[Par-lite] Megillat Esther - shiur
Menachem Leibtag
tsc at bezeqint.net
Tue Mar 6 16:51:49 EST 2012
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THE TANACH STUDY CENTER
[http://www.tanach.org]
In Memory of Rabbi Abraham Leibtag
Shiurim in Chumash & Navi by Menachem
Leibtag
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MEGILLAT ESTHER, ITS 'HIDDEN'
MESSAGE
Is the Megilla a satire? It certainly
contains many
strange details that beg interpretation. But
if so, why would
a satire be included in the Tanach. In the
following shiur,
we attempt to 'unmask' Megillat Esther by
considering its
historical and prophetic setting.
INTRODUCTION
We begin our study with one of the most
well known psukim
of the Megilla:
"Ish yehudi haya be-Shushan ha-bira -
u-shmo Mordechai"
(see Esther 2:5).
Even though this pasuk is proudly read
aloud by the
entire congregation, most people do not
appreciate its
prophetic 'sting'. However, an ear tuned to
the prophecies of
Zecharya and familiar with Tanach immediately
catches its
irony, as:
ish yehudi - implies more than simply
someone who is Jewish;
ha-bira - implies more than just 'the
capital city'; and
Mordechai - is not a Jewish name!
* The phrase ish yehudi is mentioned only
one other time in
the entire Tanach - in Sefer Zecharya 8:23.
There it
describes a devout Jew in the city of
Jerusalem - leading a
group of non-Jewish followers in search of
God.
* the word ha-bira in Divrei Ha-yamim (see
29:1 & 29:19) is
used by King David to describe specifically
the bet ha-mikdash
(the Temple). Prior to the time period of
Megillat Esther,
the Hebrew word bira finds no other mention
in Tanach.
* The name Mordechai is probably the most
provocative word
in the entire Megilla for it stems from the
name of the
Babylonian deity -Marduk (see II Kings 25:27
& Yeshayahu
39:1!). Prior to the Babylonian exile, no
one would have
dared give his son such a 'goyish' name.
[This does not imply that Mordechai was
assimilated, rather
his name may reflect the assimilation of
his generation.]
And this may be only one of many psukim
of the Megilla
that are filled with irony and possibly
satire. Yet, if this
conclusion is correct, we must explain why
the Megilla would
employ satire to deliver its prophetic
message. Furthermore,
we must also determine more precisely what
that prophetic
message is, and how it relates to our
celebration of Purim.
To answer these questions, our shiur
will take the
following steps:
I. Base our above assumption that the
Megilla should contain
a prophetic message, related to its
historical setting.
II. Review both the historical and prophetic
setting of the
time period of the Megilla.
III Search for a thematic connection between
this setting and
the story in the Megilla, and support it
with both textual and
thematic parallels from other books in
Tanach.
IV. Explain why the Megilla employs this
unique style.
V. Explain how the celebration of Purim, as
defined in the
Megilla, relates to this theme.
PART I - 'HESTER PANIM'
As every book of the Tanach contains a
prophetic message,
Megillat Esther should be no different. It
is commonly
understood that the Megilla teaches us how to
see the 'hidden
hand' of God behind the events that
ultimately lead to Bnei
Yisrael's salvation from Haman. Some even
suggest that the
Megilla's use of the name Esther (from the
Hebrew verb
'lehastir' - to hide) instead of her real
name - Hadassa (see
2:7) teaches us this very lesson.
However, if the Megilla wants to show us
how God saved
His people, why isn't this message explicit?
Furthermore, why
isn't God's Name ever mentioned? Most every
other sefer in
Tanach expresses this point explicitly. Why
is Megillat
Esther different?
Furthermore, most all other seforim in
Tanach explain not
only how God saves Am Yisrael, but also why
they are being
punished. This theme of divine retribution
is explicit in the
Torah in the tochachot (Vayikra 26:3-46,
Devarim 11:13-17,
28:1-69, etc.) and reiterated over and over
again by all of
the prophets. In fact Chazal's explanation
of the name Esther
reflects this very same concept:
"Esther min ha-Torah minayin?"
[What is the source in Torah for the
story of Esther?]
"ve-Anochi haster aster panai ba-yom
ha-hu"
[I will surely hide my face from you
on that day.]
(Devarim 31:18 / See
Chullin 139b).
However, if we take a closer look at
that pasuk in
Devarim, we find that its message is
significantly different.
Rather than explaining how God 'saves' Am
Yisrael in a 'hidden
manner', it explains how God 'punishes' them:
"And God told Moshe, after you die... this
nation will leave
Me and break My covenant...And My anger
will be kindled
against them on that day and I will forsake
them, ["ve-
histarti panai"] and I will hide My face
from them... and
many evils and troubles shall befall them -
& they will say
on that day, these evils are because God is
not among us.
- Ve-anochi haster astir panai ba-yom
ha-hu -
and I will hide My face from them on that
day because of all
the bad that they have done... [Therefore,]
- Write down this song and teach it to
Bnei Yisrael, so
that it will be My witness..." (see
Devarim 31:16-18).
In these psukim, God warns Bnei Yisrael
that should they
betray His covenant, great evil will befall
them. Even though
it may appear to Bnei Yisrael that God has
left them, these
psukim teach them that God only appears to be
'hiding His
face' ['hester panim"] from them.
Nonetheless, Bnei Yisrael
are expected to realize that their punishment
is from God.
Therefore, Moshe is to teach Bnei Yisrael
Shirat Ha'azinu in
order that they recognize this. The shira
will teach Am
Yisrael to contemplate their predicament and
relate their
punishment to their wayward behavior. To
verify this point,
simply read Shirat Ha'azinu [note especially
31:19-20.]
Above all, Shirat Ha'azinu explains how
we are to
determine why we are being punished. In that
song, we are
told:
"Zechor yemot olam, binu shnot dor
va-dor..." (Devarim 32:7).
[Remember the days of old; consider the
years of ages past.]
The shira teaches us to contemplate our
history,
especially how and why we were chosen (see
32:8-9), in order
to realize why we are being punished. It
reminds us that when
something does go wrong, it is our fault, not
God's (see 32:4-6!).
Even though God may hide His face,
Shirat Ha'azinu does
promise that God will ultimately redeem His
people, however,
not necessarily because they deserve
redemption. Rather, God
will have mercy on our pitiful predicament
(see 32:26-27, also
32:37-38) and save us at the 'last minute'.
Most all of the prophets deliver a very
similar message.
They explain to Bnei Yisrael what they have
done wrong, and
hence why they are being punished. Prophecy
teaches man not
only to thank God for salvation, but also to
recognize his
faults and correct his mistakes.
Therefore, the Megilla should be no
different, and
especially because its name alludes to the
pasuk in Chumash
that commands us to search for a reason why
we are punished.
[This supports the Gemara's question in
Masechet Megilla 12a
(middle) "sha'alu talmidav et Rashb"i:
mipnei ma
nitchayvu..."]
Even though the Megilla does not provide
an explicit
reason for this impending punishment, this
background and its
name suggest that we search for a 'hidden'
(or implicit) one.
To find that reason, we must consider
prophetic and historical
setting of that time period.
PART II - HISTORICAL AND PROPHETIC SETTING
The opening psukim of the Megilla
immediately point us to
its time period (see 1:1-3). Achashverosh is
a Persian king
who reigns from India to Ethiopia in the city
of Shushan.
Considering that Cyrus (=Koresh) was the
first Persian king,
the story in Megillat Esther takes place
during the Persian
time period and thus after the time period
when the Jews had
an opportunity to return to Jerusalem.
Even though there is a controversy
concerning precisely
which Persian King Achashverosh was, he most
certainly reigned
after Koresh (the first Persian king), and
thus, after
Yirmiyahu's seventy years were over.
[Note: If you are not familiar with this
time period, it is
highly recommended that you review Kings II
23:31-25:12,
Ezra 1:1-10 and 3:1-4:7, and Yirmiyahu
29:1-15. As you read
Ezra 1:1-9, note how the Jews who did not
make 'aliya' were
encouraged to send 'money' instead! Seems
like not much has
changed in 2500 years!]
For those of you unfamiliar with this
time period, here
is a quick overview:
In the first year of his reign, Koresh
issued his famous
proclamation allowing and encouraging all of
the Jews of the
Persian Empire to return to Jerusalem and
rebuild the Temple.
The prophets clearly understood this historic
decree as the
fulfillment of Yirmiyahu's prophecy (see Ezra
1:1-9, II Divrei
Ha-yamim 36:20-23). As God had promised, the
time of
redemption from the Babylonian Exile had
come.
YIRMIYAHU'S SEVENTY YEARS
To appreciate the prophetic importance
of this
opportunity, we need only quote Yirmiyahu's
final message to
the Babylonian Exile in regard to what was
'supposed' to
happen when these seventy years were over:
"Thus said the Lord, when the 70 years are
complete, I shall
remember you and keep my promise to return
you to this
land.... [At that time.] you shall call out
to Me - you
shall come and pray to Me - and I will hear
you...and you
will ask for Me and find Me; if you will
search for me with
all your heart. Then I will be there for
you, and I shall
turn away your captivity and gather you
from all the nations
wherein you may be dispersed... and I will
return you to the
land from which you were exiled ..."
(29:10-14).
According to Yirmiyahu, the return of
the Exile would not
be automatic. Rather, it was God's hope that
their return
would be catalyzed by sincere repentance and
a yearning to
return. In other words, God intended for
the Babylonian
Exile [as the word 'exile' implies] to be
temporary. People
don't stay in 'exile' unless they are forced
to be there.
Exile implies that one cannot return to his
own land.
[Otherwise the translation of 'galut' would
be 'diaspora'
instead of 'exile' / hey, not a bad idea!]
Note as well how Yirmiyahu's message is
congruent with a
primary theme of Chumash, i.e. God's desire
for the Jewish
people to become His 'model' nation - a
vehicle through which
all nations will come to recognize God (see
Devarim 4:5-8 &
Shmot 19:4-6). Recall as well that in that
ideal setting, the
bet ha-mikdash in Yerushalayim was to serve
as a symbol of
this national purpose.
[See previous shiurim on Parshiot Re'eh,
Noach, and Vayetze.
Recall that the mikdash is referred to as:
"ha-makom asher
yivchar Hashem le-shaken shmo sham"/ see
Devarim 12:5-14.]
God's decision to destroy that Temple
and exile his
people was for a rehabilitative purpose.
According to
Yirmiyahu, God's hope was for the Exile to
'learn its lesson'
during these seventy years in Bavel.
Afterward, God hoped
that the nation would be spiritually ready
and anxious to
return to their homeland, and to reconstruct
their symbolic
shrine - the Temple in Jerusalem.
Precisely as Yirmiyahu had predicted
(seventy years after
Bavel had risen to power), the opportunity to
return arose
when the Babylonian empire fell to Koresh (=
Cyrus the Great),
the first king of the Persian Empire (see
Yirmiyahu 25:11-12,
Ezra 1:1).
A MISSED OPPORTUNITY
Unfortunately, the response of the Exile
to this historic
opportunity was less than enthusiastic. A
group of some forty
thousand did return; however, the majority of
Am Yisrael
remained in Bavel. For an insight into the
tragedy of the
missed opportunity we need only quote the
explanation given by
Rav Yehuda Ha-Levi in Sefer Ha-Kuzari
(II.24):
"Had the entire nation enthusiastically
answered the divine
call to return to the Land, the idyllic
prophecies of the
return to Zion would have been fulfilled
and the Shchina
would have returned. In reality, however,
only a small
portion returned. The majority remained in
Bavel, willfully
accepting the exile, as they did not wish
to leave their
homes & businesses etc." (sounds
familiar...)
Even those who did return lacked
enthusiasm. The apathy
of the returnees is echoed in the prophecies
of Chagai and
Zecharya, the prophets of this time period
(see Chagai 1:1-3;
2:3 see also Zecharya 4:10; 6:15; 7:4-7; 8:6.
. How does all of this relate to Megillat
Esther?
How could it not relate!
Could the fact that Am Yisrael remained
scattered among
the 127 provinces of the Persian Empire,
while they could have
returned a generation or two earlier to
Jerusalem, not relate
to the prophetic message of the Megilla?
Considering that Yirmiyahu's seventy
years are over, why
are so many Jews living in Shushan and all
over the Persian
empire during the time period of
Achashverosh?
Could not this fact alone supply
sufficient reason for
God to consider Am Yisrael negligent of their
covenantal
responsibilities?
With this in mind, we must now take a
second look at the
Megilla in search of at least a 'hint' of
this theme.
PART III - THE THEME OF THE MEGILLA AND ITS
SATIRE
Based on this historic and prophetic
setting, one could
suspect that the impending destruction of Am
Yisrael by Haman
may be a Divine punishment for their apathy.
After all, the
Jews living in the Persian empire appear to
have:
* preferred Shushan over Yerushalayim;
* opted to subjugate themselves to
Achashverosh rather than
respond to God's call to return to
their land;
* Replaced the bet ha-mikdash with the
palace of
Achashverosh!
["ve-nahafoch hu"]
Even though this prophetic message is
not explicit in the
Megilla, we will now show how it may be
hidden in its satire.
[Note: Before we continue, it is important
to clarify a
problematic issue. We are about to relate
many elements in
the story of the Megilla to a satiric
commentary on Persian
Jewry. This does not mean that these
events did not
actually occur. The story of the Megilla
is true and based
on historic facts. However, its prophetic
message is
conveyed through the use of literary tools,
such as satire
and irony. Often, criticism is more
poignant when delivered
implicitly rather than explicitly.
(Lehavdil, take for
example George Orwell's criticism of the
Russian revolution
in 'Animal Farm'.)]
TEXTUAL AND THEMATIC SUPPORT
For a start, we will bring two examples
where there
appears to be an 'echo' of God's voice behind
certain
statements in the Megilla.
For example, the story of Vashti may
reflect God's utter
disappointment with Am Yisrael for not
returning to Israel to
fulfill their divine purpose, to become God's
'model' nation:
"[Vashti was called to] come to the king
and show all the
nations her beauty... but she did not come
as the King
commanded, and he became very angry..."
(see Esther 1:9-12).
Is not Vashti's behavior similar to that
of Am Yisrael?
Is not the King's conclusion similar to
God's? Is not the
fear that all the women in the Persian
kingdom will now
disobey their husbands ironic? If Am Yisrael
(destined to be
an 'or la-goyim') does not respond to its
divine call, what
could God expect from other nations?
[Note that in earlier prophecy, Am Yisrael
is often compared
to God's wife - see Hoshea 2:4,16-18. See
also Zecharya 1:1-
3, note 'shuvu eilai...' and 'va-yiktzof',
compare 1:12.]
Furthermore, who is the real king in the
Megilla? Chazal
raise the possibility that the word
'ha-melech' [the King] in
the Megilla may be 'kodesh', as it often [in
a hidden manner]
may be referring to God and not to
Achashverosh.
Even Haman's petition to Achashverosh to
destroy Am
Yisrael may echo a similar complaint that God
may have against
His own nation:
"There is a certain nation scattered among
the nations whose
laws are different than any other nation,
but the laws of
the King they do not keep, and it is not
worthwhile for the
King to leave them be. Therefore, if it
please the king,
let it be written that they be
destroyed..." (see 3:8-9).
In a certain way, Haman's accusation is
similar to God's
threat in Shirat Ha'azinu to destroy am
Yisrael for not
keeping His laws (32:26). After all, what
purpose is there
for God to keep His people if they refuse to
obey Him and
fulfill their divine goal?
TEN THOUSAND KIKAR KESEF
Recall as well the continuation of the
above pasuk, re:
the handsome bribe that Haman had paid to
Achashverosh to
assure that this edict would be issued,
noting the amount of
money Haman 'donates' and its purpose:
"...If it please the king, let it be
written that they be
destroyed; and I will pay ten thousand
KIKAR KESEF [talents
of silver] by way of the hands of the OSEI
HA'MLACHA [those
who 'do the work'!] to bring it into the
king's treasuries.
And the king took his ring from his hand,
and gave it unto
Haman... And the king said unto Haman:
'The silver is given
to you, the people also, to do with them as
they see fit..."
(See Esther 3:8-11)
Was it be 'just by chance', that during
the construction
of the first Temple, the leaders of the
people of Israel
(during the time of King David) donated the
exact same amount
of silver to be used by the workers of its
construction:
"Then the princes of the fathers' houses,
and the princes of
the tribes of Israel, and the captains of
thousands and of
hundreds, with the rulers over the king's
work, offered
willingly; and they gave for the service of
the house of
God... and of silver ten thousand KIKARIM
[talents] ...
Then the people rejoiced, for that they
offered willingly,
because with a whole heart they offered
willingly to the
LORD; and David the king also rejoiced with
great joy!"
(see Divrei Hayamim I 29:6-9)
Recall as well that the book of Divrei
Ha'yamim was
composed at approximately the same time as
Megillat Esther -
i.e. by the Anshei Knesset ha'gdola during
the Persian time
period of the Second Temple. Hence, this
parallel should not
surprise us!
====
Even though these first three examples
may appear a bit
'stretched', a more convincing textual proof
is found in the
parallel between Achashverosh's palace and
the bet mikdash.
This parallel is significant for it reflects
the fact the Bnei
Yisrael had neglected the bet ha-mikdash in
Yerushalayim,
preferring instead to be dependent on the
palace of
Achashverosh. We begin by comparing the
overall structure of
each:
KODESH KODASHIM - CHATZER PNIMIT
The Megilla refers to the most inner
chamber of the
king's palace as the 'chatzer ha-pnimit'
(5:1), where entry to
anyone is forbidden under threat of death -
unless called to
enter (as Esther feared in 4:11). Here we
find an obvious
parallel to the kodesh ha-kodashim in the
mikdash (Purim -
kippurim!).
KODESH - CHATZER CHITZONA
The 'waiting area' outside the inner
chamber is called
the 'chatzer ha-chitzona' (6:4). Here 'ro'ei
pnei ha-melech'
(1:14) like Haman himself are allowed to
enter freely. This
is parallel to the kodesh where kohanim are
permitted to
enter.
[See description of the Temple in
Yechezkel 40:18-19.]
AZARA - SHA'AR BET HA-MELECH
In front of the palace is 'sha'ar bet
ha-melech' where
people like Mordechai are permitted to stand
(2:18,21).
However, here one must dress properly
('aveilut' is not
permitted), therefore he cannot be there
dressed in sackcloth
(see 4:2!). This area is parallel to the
azara in the
mikdash.
YERUSHALAYIM - REHOV HA-IR SHUSHAN
This is the area 'lifnei sha'ar
ha-melech' (4:2) or
'rechov ha-ir' (4:6) where Mordechai can
dress in sackcloth.
This is parallel to the city of Yerushalayim
surrounding the
mikdash.
This parallel is strengthened by the
Megilla's use of the
word bira to describe Shushan. As we
explained in our
introduction, in Divrei Ha-yamim, the only
other time in
Tanach prior to Megillat Esther where this
word is mentioned,
bira describes specifically the bet
ha-mikdash, and in the
context of its purpose to serve as a national
center and
symbol of God's Name. [See DH I 29:1 & 19,
you should read
from 29:1-25 to see the context. (You'll
find there a
familiar passage from davening, which maybe
you will now
understand a little better.)]
[See also Masechet Middot I:9, where the
Mishna refers to
the bet ha-mikdash as the bira.]
Other parallels to mikdash are found in
the use of key
words such as 'yekar ve-tif'eret' (1:4);
'tekhelet, butz,
ve-argaman' (1:6) in the Megilla's
description of the king's
party.
[Based on these psukim, the gemara (Megilla
12a) claims that
Achashverosh donned the 'bigdei kohen
gadol' at his party!]
Even the 6-month party followed by a
seven-day special
celebration may parallel the six months that
it took to build
the mishkan (from Yom Kippur till Rosh
Chodesh Nissan)
followed by the seven-day 'milu'im' ceremony.
Likewise,
Chazal explain, 've-keilim mi-keilim shonim'
(1:7) as
referring to the vessels of the bet
ha-mikdash.
Chazal even suggest that Haman's decree
may have been Am
Yisrael's punishment for drinking from these
keilim or
alternately for their participation in and
enjoyment of the
royal party (see Megilla 12a).
[Note that according to pshat, the keilim
had returned with
Sheshbatzar during the time of Koresh (see
Ezra 1:7-8).
However, the Midrash emphasizes the
thematic connection
between the party and Bnei Yisrael's lack
of enthusiasm to
build the mikdash.]
Hence we can conclude that the Megilla's
satire suggests
that during this time period Am Yisrael had
replaced:
* God with Achashverosh;
* God's Temple with Achashverosh's palace;
and
* Yerushalayim ha-bira with Shushan
ha-bira! ['ve-nahafoch hu']
70 DAYS / 70 YEARS
Another seemingly unimportant detail in
the Megilla
concerning when the two decrees were sent
might also allude to
this prophetic backdrop.
Recall that the original decree calling
for the
destruction of the Jews was sent out on the
13th day of Nisan
(3:12). Several days later Haman was hanged
and Esther
pleaded from the king to repeal this decree
(8:3-6).
Achashverosh agreed; however, the actual
letters were not sent
out until the 23rd of Sivan - some two months
later (8:9)!
What took so long?
By carefully comparing these two dates,
we again find an
amazing reminder of Yirmiyahu's prophecy of
the seventy years.
Between the 13th of Nisan until the 23rd of
Sivan - 70 days
elapsed (17+30+23). During these seventy
days, all of the
Jews throughout the Persian Empire were under
the tremendous
peril of impending destruction, thinking that
their doom was
inevitable. Could this be an ironic reminder
to the Jewish
people that they had not heeded Yirmiyahu's
prophecy of what
he expected from Bnei Yisrael once the
seventy years had
expired (see 29:10-14!)?
A similar concept of suffering for a
sin, a day for a
year (and vice versa), is found twice in
Tanach in related
circumstances. After the sin of the
'meraglim', the forty
days are replaced by the punishment of forty
years of
wandering. Here, too, the nation opted not
to fulfill their
divine destiny, preferring a return to Egypt
to the conquest
of Eretz Yisrael. Yechezkel, too, is
required to suffer 'a
day for each year.'
[For 390 days followed by an additional 40
days, he must lie
on his side and repent for the sins of
Israel and Yehuda
that led to the destruction of Yerushalayim
(Yechezkel
4:1-14!)].
A similar claim is made by the Midrash
which suggests
that Achashverosh threw his 180 day party in
celebration of
the fact that Yirmiyahu's seventy years were
over and the bet
ha-mikdash was not rebuilt. In pshat, this
explanation is
unreasonable. Why should the most powerful
king of
civilization worry about the prophecies of
Yirmiyahu, while
the Jews themselves do not listen to him?
However, on the level of drash, this
explanation is
enlightening. Chazal, in the spirit of the
Megilla -
've-nahafoch hu' - put into Achashverosh's
mind what should
have been in the mind of Am Yisrael, i.e. the
fulfillment of
Yirmiyahu's prophecy of seventy years and the
desire to
return.
PESACH AND PURIM
Based on our understanding thus far, it
is also
understandable why Israel's salvation from
Haman's decree
comes only after Am Yisrael collectively
accept a three day
fast. This fast takes place on the 15, 16, &
17th of Nisan.
Interestingly enough, the events that led to
the repeal of
Haman's decree take place 'davka' during the
holiday of Pesach
- the holiday on which we celebrate our
freedom from
subjugation to a foreign nation and the
beginning of our
journey to the Promised Land.
PART IV - WHY SATIRE?
We have shown that the Megilla is laced
with allusions to
the fact that Am Yisrael does not answer its
divine call
during the Persian time period. But the
question remains, why
is this message only hinted at but not
explicitly stated by
Chazal? Most probably for the same reason
that it is not
explicit in the Megilla.
This is the power of satire. In order to
strengthen the
message, a powerful point is not explicitly
stated, but only
alluded to. The direct approach used by the
other 48 nevi'im
of Tanach had not been very successful.
[See Masechet Megilla 14a (top) - "gedola
hasarat ha-taba'at
shel Haman yoter mi-48 nevi'im..."!]
One could suggest that Anshei Knesset
Ha-gdola, in their
decision to write (see Bava Batra 15a] (and
later canonize)
Megillat Esther, had hoped that a satirical
message would be
more powerful than a direct one. Hence,
Midrashim of Chazal
that comment on the Megilla may follow a
similar approach.
[Note how the prophet Natan's message to
David ha-melech in
regard to his sin with Bat-sheva was much
more powerful
because he used the 'mashal' of kivsat
ha-rash" (see II Shmuel
12:1-7!).]
PART V - THE MINHAGIM OF PURIM
Up until this point we have explained
how the satire in
the Megilla may reflect a prophetic censure
of Am Yisrael in
Bavel for not returning to Yerushalayim when
the opportunity
arose during the time of Koresh. However, if
our assumptions
are indeed correct, then we would expect the
outcome of the
Megilla, or at least the celebration of Purim
for future
generations to reflect this theme.
Instead, we don't find any 'mass aliya'
movement after
our salvation. Nor does the celebration of
Purim (with
'mishteh' and sending 'mishloach manot')
appear to reflect
this theme in any manner.
However, with a 'little help' from the
prophecies of
Zecharya, we can suggest an answer for these
questions as
well. To do so, we must first identify who
the specific
Persian King Achashverosh was.
SOME MORE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The topic of the history of the Persian
time period is
very complicated and the subject of a major
controversy
between most Midrashei Chazal and the
historians (& a minority
opinion in Chazal). To explain this
controversy is beyond the
scope of this shiur, instead we will simply
present the two
conflicting opinions concerning when
Achashverosh reigned.
According to Seder Olam (and hence the
majority opinion
in Chazal), Achashverosh was the Persian King
immediately
after Koresh, but before Daryavesh, and thus
the story of the
Megilla takes place after 'shivat tzion' (the
return to Zion
during the time of Koresh) but before the
second bet ha-
mikdash is actually built.
According to this opinion, the events of
the Megilla had
a tremendous affect on the situation in
Yerushalayim. Only
two years after the story of Megilla, King
Darius, son of
Esther gives the Jews permission to return
and build the
Second Temple. Construction began during the
second year of
Darius (= Daryavesh).
The events of the Megilla also appear to
have catalyzed a
major aliya movement. According to Chazal,
Ezra's aliya from
Bavel took place only a few years afterward,
during the
seventh year of his reign of Daryavesh (who
Chazal identify
with Artachshasta / see Ezra 7:1-9).
Thus, according to Seder Olam's opinion,
the events of
the Megilla indeed had a major effect on the
rebuilding of the
Temple and shivat tzion - the return to Zion.
According to most historians (and a
minority opinion in
Chazal / see Tirgum ha-shiv'im & Pirkei
de-Rabbi Eliezer
chapter 49), Achashverosh was the Persian
king who succeeded
Darius (486 - 465 BCE), and thus the story of
the Megilla
takes place some forty years after the second
Temple was
built, and thus after Chagai & Zecharya's
plea to return and
fulfill the potential of Bayit Sheni. [Its
construction began
in 521 BCE / in the second year of Darius the
Great; hence the
story in the Megilla takes place in 474 BCE.]
According to this opinion, no major
event takes place
immediately after the events in the Megilla.
In fact, over
two decades pass before a new wave of olim
come with Ezra and
Nechemya to help strengthen the city of
Yerushalayim. [The
historians identify Artachshasta with
Artexerxes, not the same
king as Darius.]
If our assumption concerning the satire
of the Megilla is
correct, why don't we find a mass aliya
movement immediately
after the miracle of Purim. [Jews of the
twentieth century
could ask themselves a similar question!]
Furthermore, according to either
opinion, shouldn't the
manner by which we celebrate Purim relate to
this theme and
satire?
Finally, why is it necessary to
celebrate Purim for all
generations? Purim is not the only time in
our history when
Bnei Yisrael are saved from terrible enemies.
Chazal go even
one step further. They claim that Purim will
be the only
holiday kept at the time of the final
redemption! (See Rambam
Hilchot Megilla, Esther 9:28 and
commentaries).
THE MEGILLA AND SEFER ZECHARYA
If we follow the opinion of the
'historians' in regard to
the time period of Megillat Esther, then the
prophecies of
Zecharya concerning the potential of Bayit
Sheni precede the
story in the Megilla. If so, then we posit
that numerous
textual parallels between the Megilla and
Sefer Zecharya are
intentional. In other words, when 'anshei
knesset ha-gedola'
wrote Megillat Esther (most likely during the
time period of
Ezra / see Bava Batra 15a), they assumed that
anyone reading
the Megilla was familiar with Sefer Zecharya,
and hence would
understand the implicit meaning of these
parallels.
We will now show how the Megilla may
suggest that Am
Yisrael's predicament during the time period
of Achashverosh
was caused because of Zecharya's prophecies
(a generation
earlier) were not taken seriously! To
appreciate this
message, we must study Zecharya chapters
7->8.
For a background, review the first six
chapters of Sefer
Zecharya, noting how they focus on one
primary theme - the
return of the Shchina to Yerushalayim.
However, Zecharya
warns numerous times that the Shchina's
return will be a
function of Am Yisrael's covenantal
commitment (see 6:15).
Redemption is indeed possible; however,
Zecharya insists that
the 'spiritual' return of Am Yisrael was no
less important
than their physical return:
"Shuvu eilai.. ve-ashuva aleichem" (1:3,
see also 8:7-8).
[It is highly suggested that you read at
least the first
two chapters of Zecharya (note 'hadassim'
and 'ish rochev
al sus' in chapter 1, and 'prazot teshev
Yerushalayim' in
chapter 2) and then chapters 7-8 before
continuing.]
SHOULD WE FAST ON TISHA BE-AV?
According to Chagai 2:18, construction
of the Temple
began on this same year, i.e. during the
second year of
Daryavesh. Zecharya chapter seven opens two
years later when
an official delegation from Bavel arrives in
Jerusalem to ask
Zecharya a very fundamental question:
"Ha-evkeh be-chodesh ha-chamishi?" Should
we continue to
fast in the 5th month (i.e. the fast of
Tisha Be-av)? (see
7:3)
The question appears to be quite
legitimate. After all,
now that the Temple is rebuilt, there no
longer appears to be
a need to fast. However, Zecharya's lengthy
and official
reply (7:4-8:23) to this question contains an
eternal message
that relates to the very nature of the ideal
redemption
process.
In Zecharya 7:4-7, God appears to be
quite disturbed by
the people's question regarding the need to
fast. Instead of
showing their interest in the greater picture
of the
redemption process, the people seem only to
be interested in
whether or not they have to fast. In the
eyes of the prophet,
their question reflected a general attitude
problem in regard
to the entire redemption process.
God's answer implies that the fast of
Tisha Be-av is not
a divine commandment - rather it was a
'minhag' instituted by
Chazal to remember not only the Temple's
destruction, but also
the reason why the churban took place (see
7:5-6). Thus, God
explains, feasting or fasting is man's
decision, while God is
interested in something much more basic -
that Bnei Yisrael
keep the mitzvot which they had neglected
during the first
Temple period (see 7:5-14).
Zecharya continues his answer with two
chapters of
'musar' (rebuke) in which he emphasizes the
most basic mitzvot
that Bnei Yisrael must keep in order for the
Shchina to
return:
"EMET u-mishpat shalom shiftu
be-sha'areichem, ve-chesed
ve-rachamim asu ish et achiv. Almana,
ve-yatom ve-ani al
ta'ashoku..." (7:8-10).
- Truth, social justice, helping the poor
and needy, and
thinking kindly of one's neighbor, etc.
God is anxious for His Shchina to
return, but in order
for that to happen, Yerushalayim must first
become a city
characterized by truth (8:1-3). God foresees
the return the
exiles from lands in the east and west. With
their return,
God and His nation will become once again
covenantal partners,
through "emet & tzedaka" (see 8:7-8).
Finally, after many words of
encouragement and repeated
'musar' (see 8:11-17), God finally answers
the original
question concerning the fast days. Should Am
Yisrael return
to Israel and keep "emet ve-shalom, the four
fast days
commemorating the destruction of Yerushalayim
will become
holidays:
"tzom ha-rvii, v'tzom ha'chamishi... [The
four fast days]
will be instead for Yehuda days of
celebration... [on the
condition that] they will love emet &
shalom" (see 8:18-19 /
note parallel to Megilla 9:30-31!)
After two chapters of rebuke, Zecharya
finally answers
the people's original question. Should Bnei
Yisrael indeed
show their devotion to God, i.e. if they
practice 'emet
u-mishpat shalom', then the fast days, the
days of crying for
Jerusalem, will become holidays instead.
Should Bnei Yisrael indeed love keeping
emet & shalom
(these two words simply summarize the primary
points raised by
Zecharya in this perek), then the redemption
process will be
complete.
ISH YEHUDI
Zecharya concludes this prophecy with
his vision of
numerous people from many great nations will
one day come to
Yerushalayim in search of God. They will
gather around the
ish yehudi, asking for his guidance, for they
will have heard
that God is with His people (8:20-23).
Had Am Yisrael heeded this prophetic
call in the time of
Koresh and Daryavesh, then they would not
have been scattered
among 127 provinces during the time of
Achashverosh. One
could suggest that instead of celebrating
with the Persians at
the party in Shushan, the Jews could (&
should) have been
celebrating with God at His bet ha-mikdash in
Yerushalayim.
The ish yehudi would have been in the
bira in
Yerushalayim, making God's Name known to
other nations;
instead, the Megilla opens as an ish yehudi
is found in the
bira of Achashverosh in Shushan, ironically
carrying the name
of foreign god.
[One could also suggest that Mordechai's
institution of the
yearly celebration of Purim relates
specifically to this
prophecy. First of all, note how this day
is described as
one that turns around from 'yagon' to
'simcha', from
'mourning to holiday' (see Esther 9:22).
Purim may
symbolize the manner in which the fast days
for Jerusalem
will one day become holidays.]
This parallel to Zecharya could explain
the reason for
the special mitzvot that Mordechai instituted
for Purim in his
first letter (see Esther 9:20-22). They
reflect Zecharya's
repeated message of helping the needy
(matanot le-evyonim/
note Zecharya 7:10) and thinking nicely of
one's neighbors
(mishloach manot ish le-re'eihu / note
8:16-17!). Once a year
we must remind ourselves of the most basic
mitzvot that we
must keep in order that we become worthy of
returning to
Yerushalayim and rebuilding the Bet
ha'mikdash.
Certain halachot instituted by Chazal
may reflect this
message. Interestingly, Shushan Purim is
replaced with
Yerushalayim Purim for the walled cities from
the time of
Yehoshua bin Nun replace the walled city of
Shushan! [See
Yehoshua 21:42 and its context, compare to
Esther 9:2.]
SHALOM VE-EMET
Although this explanation for certain
minhagim of Purim
may seem a bit 'stretched', textual proof is
found in the
closing psukim of the Megilla (9:29-32 / read
it carefully!).
Recall how Mordechai and Esther found it
necessary to
send out a second 'igeret' (letter) - whose
purpose was not
only to give authority ('tokef') to the
holiday that they had
instituted, but also to explain the reason
for these
'minhagim' [customs] of Purim, as detailed in
their original
letter.
What was the content of this special
second letter? To
our surprise, accordingly to the Megilla, its
content is
summarized by one very short phrase:
" And sent letters unto all the Jews, to
the 127 provinces
of the kingdom of Achashverosh, containing
divrei shalom
ve-emet - words of peace & truth"!
[See Esther 9:30, read carefully.]
These two key words - "shalom v'emet" -
are not simply
the opening words of this letter. Rather,
they describe the
entire content of this second letter. But
this very special
phrase also points us directly back to
Zecharya's prophecy
about the fast days becoming holidays (read
Zecharya 8:18-19
again) - for they explain not only when, but
also why (i.e.
under what conditions) the fast days will
become holidays - if
and when Bnei Yisrael keep 'shalom' and
'emet'!
But that short two word phrase in Zecharya
is chosen by the
navi for it beautifully summarizes the entire
content of his
prophecy concerning values that he expects
the people to focus
on, to assure that the redemption process of
the Second Temple
will continue in the proper direction - so
that God's
"Shechina" could return.
[For example, note how many time Zecharya
had mentioned "ish
el re'eyhu" or "ish el achiv" in 7:9 &
8:16-17, as well as
caring for the poor and needy in 7:10.
Note as well how the
words "shalom" and "emet" are used numerous
times by
Zecharya in chapters 7 and 8!]
Hence, we conclude, that the second
"igeret" was sent to
explain to the people, based on the earlier
prophecies of
Zecharya, the purpose of these special
minhagim of Purim.
Mordechai and Esther had established Purim as
a yearly
reminder of the prophecies of Zecharya. Even
though they
remained unfulfilled, those customs would
help remind Am
Yisrael concerning what is required of them
in order for that
redemption process to reach its highest
goals.
The continuation of this second "igeret"
strengthens this
interpretation. Note how the Megilla also
explains under what
authority (tokef) Mordechai and Esther
institute these
halachot:
"Ka'asher kiymu al nafsham divrei ha-tzomot
ve-za'akatam"
(9:31) [Compare these psukim carefully to
Zecharya
8:18-19.]
Recall, God had told Zecharya that fast
days and feast
days are up to man to decide. Now, according
to the second
igeret, just like ('ka'asher') the prophets
instituted the
four fast days in order that we remember
Yerushalayim,
Mordechai now institutes a 'feast day' to
remember
Yerushalayim. In other words, our yearly
special celebration
on the 14th and 15th of Adar can remind us of
how we will (in
the future, when worthy) celebrate those four
fast days - once
Yerushalayim will be re-built and the nation
will be acting in
the proper manner.
[Note that this pasuk cannot be referring
to our Ta'anit
Esther, for if it refers to the three day
fast, that fast
was a one time event and was not "al
nafsham ve-al zar'am".
Likewise, it cannot be the fast of the 13th
of Adar, as that
custom only began during the time period of
the Ge'onim.
Therefore, it must refer to the four fast
days on
Jerusalem.]
DID THEY 'GET THE MESSAGE'?
So why didn't everyone return
immediately afterward to
Israel?
Most probably, after the events of the
Megilla, a mass
return to Yerushalayim was not realistic.
In fact, the rather anti-climatic' final
lines of the
Megilla (see 10:1) seem to indicate that 'all
said and done',
nothing really changed (people are paying
taxes to
Achashverosh). Nonetheless, Mordechai wanted
to institute a
holiday that would remind Am Yisrael that
should such an
opportunity arise (once again), that they
will know how to
relate to it properly. Sefer Zecharya and
its theme of
"shalom ve-emet" serve as the spiritual
guide.
[This interpretation may help explain why
the celebration of
Purim will remain even after our final
redemption.]
Purim, therefore, has deep meaning for
all generations.
Its message may have been 'hiding' behind the
costumes, the
drinking ("ad de-lo yada"), the 'purim
Torah', and 'shalach
mannos'. It may have been lost within our
ignorance of
Tanach. Its message, however, remains
eternal, just as our
aspirations for Yerushalayim and the
establishment therein of
a just society - remain eternal.
purim
sameiach,
menachem
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