[Par-lite] For Purim / re: Megillat Esther

Menachem Leibtag tsc at bezeqint.net
Mon Mar 2 03:32:17 EST 2015


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     THE TANACH STUDY CENTER
[http://www.tanach.org]

          In Memory of Rabbi Abraham Leibtag

     Shiurim in Chumash & Navi by Menachem
Leibtag

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          MEGILLAT ESTHER, ITS 'HIDDEN'
MESSAGE

 

     Is the Megilla a satire?  It certainly
contains many

strange details that beg interpretation.  But
if so, why would

a satire be included in the Tanach.  In the
following shiur,

we attempt to 'unmask' Megillat Esther by
considering its

historical and prophetic setting.

 

INTRODUCTION

     We begin our study with one of the most
well known psukim

of the Megilla:

    "Ish yehudi haya be-Shushan ha-bira -
u-shmo Mordechai"

    (see Esther 2:5).

     Even though this pasuk is proudly read
aloud by the

entire congregation, most people do not
appreciate its

prophetic 'sting'.  However, an ear tuned to
the prophecies of

Zecharya and familiar with Tanach immediately
catches its

irony, as:

     ish yehudi - implies more than simply
someone who is Jewish;

     ha-bira - implies more than just 'the
capital city'; and

     Mordechai - is not a Jewish name!

 

*   The phrase ish yehudi is mentioned only
one other time in

the entire Tanach - in Sefer Zecharya 8:23.
There it

describes a devout Jew in the city of
Jerusalem - leading a

group of non-Jewish followers in search of
God.

 

*   the word ha-bira in Divrei Ha-yamim (see
29:1 & 29:19) is

used by King David to describe specifically
the bet ha-mikdash

(the Temple).  Prior to the time period of
Megillat Esther,

the Hebrew word bira finds no other mention
in Tanach.

 

*   The name Mordechai is probably the most
provocative word

in the entire Megilla for it stems from the
name of the

Babylonian deity -Marduk (see II Kings 25:27
& Yeshayahu

39:1!).  Prior to the Babylonian exile, no
one would have

dared give his son such a 'goyish' name.

    [This does not imply that Mordechai was
assimilated, rather

     his name may reflect the assimilation of
his generation.]

 

     And this may be only one of many psukim
of the Megilla

that are filled with irony and possibly
satire.  Yet, if this

conclusion is correct, we must explain why
the Megilla would

employ satire to deliver its prophetic
message.  Furthermore,

we must also determine more precisely what
that prophetic

message is, and how it relates to our
celebration of Purim.

     To answer these questions, our shiur
will take the

following steps:

 

I.   Base our above assumption that the
Megilla should contain

    a prophetic message, related to its
historical setting.

 

II.  Review both the historical and prophetic
setting of the

    time period of the Megilla.

 

III  Search for a thematic connection between
this setting and

    the story in the Megilla, and support it
with both textual and

    thematic parallels from other books in
Tanach.

 

IV.  Explain why the Megilla employs this
unique style.

 

V.   Explain how the celebration of Purim, as
defined in the

    Megilla, relates to this theme.

 

PART I - 'HESTER PANIM'

     As every book of the Tanach contains a
prophetic message,

Megillat Esther should be no different.  It
is commonly

understood that the Megilla teaches us how to
see the 'hidden

hand' of God behind the events that
ultimately lead to Bnei

Yisrael's salvation from Haman.  Some even
suggest that the

Megilla's use of the name Esther (from the
Hebrew verb

'lehastir' - to hide) instead of her real
name - Hadassa (see

2:7) teaches us this very lesson.

     However, if the Megilla wants to show us
how God saved

His people, why isn't this message explicit?
Furthermore, why

isn't God's Name ever mentioned?  Most every
other sefer in

Tanach expresses this point explicitly.  Why
is Megillat

Esther different?

     Furthermore, most all other seforim in
Tanach explain not

only how God saves Am Yisrael, but also why
they are being

punished.  This theme of divine retribution
is explicit in the

Torah in the tochachot (Vayikra 26:3-46,
Devarim 11:13-17,

28:1-69, etc.) and reiterated over and over
again by all of

the prophets.  In fact Chazal's explanation
of the name Esther

reflects this very same concept:

     "Esther min ha-Torah minayin?"

        [What is the source in Torah for the
story of Esther?]

      "ve-Anochi haster aster panai ba-yom
ha-hu"

        [I will surely hide my face from you
on that day.]

                    (Devarim 31:18 / See
Chullin 139b).

 

     However, if we take a closer look at
that pasuk in

Devarim, we find that its message is
significantly different.

Rather than explaining how God 'saves' Am
Yisrael in a 'hidden

manner', it explains how God 'punishes' them:

  "And God told Moshe, after you die... this
nation will leave

  Me and break My covenant...And My anger
will be kindled

  against them on that day and I will forsake
them, ["ve-

  histarti panai"] and I will hide My face
from them... and

  many evils and troubles shall befall them -
& they will say

  on that day, these evils are because God is
not among us.

    - Ve-anochi haster astir panai ba-yom
ha-hu -

  and I will hide My face from them on that
day because of all

  the bad that they have done... [Therefore,]

    - Write down this song and teach it to
Bnei Yisrael, so

    that it will be My witness..." (see
Devarim 31:16-18).

 

     In these psukim, God warns Bnei Yisrael
that should they

betray His covenant, great evil will befall
them.  Even though

it may appear to Bnei Yisrael that God has
left them, these

psukim teach them that God only appears to be
'hiding His

face' ['hester panim"] from them.
Nonetheless, Bnei Yisrael

are expected to realize that their punishment
is from God.

Therefore, Moshe is to teach Bnei Yisrael
Shirat Ha'azinu in

order that they recognize this. The shira
will teach Am

Yisrael to contemplate their predicament and
relate their

punishment to their wayward behavior.  To
verify this point,

simply read Shirat Ha'azinu [note especially
31:19-20.]

     Above all, Shirat Ha'azinu explains how
we are to

determine why we are being punished.  In that
song, we are

told:

   "Zechor yemot olam, binu shnot dor
va-dor..." (Devarim 32:7).

    [Remember the days of old; consider the
years of ages past.]

 

     The shira teaches us to contemplate our
history,

especially how and why we were chosen (see
32:8-9), in order

to realize why we are being punished.  It
reminds us that when

something does go wrong, it is our fault, not
God's (see 32:4-6!).

 

     Even though God may hide His face,
Shirat Ha'azinu does

promise that God will ultimately redeem His
people, however,

not necessarily because they deserve
redemption.  Rather, God

will have mercy on our pitiful predicament
(see 32:26-27, also

32:37-38) and save us at the 'last minute'.

     Most all of the prophets deliver a very
similar message.

They explain to Bnei Yisrael what they have
done wrong, and

hence why they are being punished.  Prophecy
teaches man not

only to thank God for salvation, but also to
recognize his

faults and correct his mistakes.

     Therefore, the Megilla should be no
different, and

especially because its name alludes to the
pasuk in Chumash

that commands us to search for a reason why
we are punished.

  [This supports the Gemara's question in
Masechet Megilla 12a

  (middle) "sha'alu talmidav et Rashb"i:
mipnei ma

  nitchayvu..."]

 

     Even though the Megilla does not provide
an explicit

reason for this impending punishment, this
background and its

name suggest that we search for a 'hidden'
(or implicit) one.

To find that reason, we must consider
prophetic and historical

setting of that time period.

 

 

PART II - HISTORICAL AND PROPHETIC SETTING

     The opening psukim of the Megilla
immediately point us to

its time period (see 1:1-3).  Achashverosh is
a Persian king

who reigns from India to Ethiopia in the city
of Shushan.

Considering that Cyrus (=Koresh) was the
first Persian king,

the story in Megillat Esther takes place
during the Persian

time period and thus after the time period
when the Jews had

an opportunity to return to Jerusalem.

     Even though there is a controversy
concerning precisely

which Persian King Achashverosh was, he most
certainly reigned

after Koresh (the first Persian king), and
thus, after

Yirmiyahu's seventy years were over.

  [Note: If you are not familiar with this
time period, it is

  highly recommended that you review Kings II
23:31-25:12,

  Ezra 1:1-10 and 3:1-4:7, and Yirmiyahu
29:1-15.  As you read

  Ezra 1:1-9, note how the Jews who did not
make 'aliya' were

  encouraged to send 'money' instead!  Seems
like not much has

  changed in 2500 years!]

 

     For those of you unfamiliar with this
time period, here

is a quick overview:

     In the first year of his reign, Koresh
issued his famous

proclamation allowing and encouraging all of
the Jews of the

Persian Empire to return to Jerusalem and
rebuild the Temple.

The prophets clearly understood this historic
decree as the

fulfillment of Yirmiyahu's prophecy (see Ezra
1:1-9, II Divrei

Ha-yamim 36:20-23).  As God had promised, the
time of

redemption from the Babylonian Exile had
come.

 

YIRMIYAHU'S SEVENTY YEARS

     To appreciate the prophetic importance
of this

opportunity, we need only quote Yirmiyahu's
final message to

the Babylonian Exile in regard to what was
'supposed' to

happen when these seventy years were over:

  "Thus said the Lord, when the 70 years are
complete, I shall

  remember you and keep my promise to return
you to this

  land.... [At that time.] you shall call out
to Me - you

  shall come and pray to Me - and I will hear
you...and you

  will ask for Me and find Me; if you will
search for me with

  all your heart.  Then I will be there for
you, and I shall

  turn away your captivity and gather you
from all the nations

  wherein you may be dispersed... and I will
return you to the

  land from which you were exiled ..."
(29:10-14).

 

     According to Yirmiyahu, the return of
the Exile would not

be automatic.  Rather, it was God's hope that
their return

would be catalyzed by sincere repentance and
a yearning to

return.   In other words, God intended for
the Babylonian

Exile [as the word 'exile' implies] to be
temporary.  People

don't stay in 'exile' unless they are forced
to be there.

Exile implies that one cannot return to his
own land.

[Otherwise the translation of 'galut' would
be 'diaspora'

instead of 'exile' / hey, not a bad idea!]

     Note as well how Yirmiyahu's message is
congruent with a

primary theme of Chumash, i.e. God's desire
for the Jewish

people to become His 'model' nation - a
vehicle through which

all nations will come to recognize God (see
Devarim 4:5-8 &

Shmot 19:4-6).  Recall as well that in that
ideal setting, the

bet ha-mikdash in Yerushalayim was to serve
as a symbol of

this national purpose.

  [See previous shiurim on Parshiot Re'eh,
Noach, and Vayetze.

  Recall that the mikdash is referred to as:
"ha-makom asher

  yivchar Hashem le-shaken shmo sham"/ see
Devarim 12:5-14.]

 

     God's decision to destroy that Temple
and exile his

people was for a rehabilitative purpose.
According to

Yirmiyahu, God's hope was for the Exile to
'learn its lesson'

during these seventy years in Bavel.
Afterward, God hoped

that the nation would be spiritually ready
and anxious to

return to their homeland, and to reconstruct
their symbolic

shrine - the Temple in Jerusalem.

     Precisely as Yirmiyahu had predicted
(seventy years after

Bavel had risen to power), the opportunity to
return arose

when the Babylonian empire fell to Koresh (=
Cyrus the Great),

the first king of the Persian Empire (see
Yirmiyahu 25:11-12,

Ezra 1:1).

 

A MISSED OPPORTUNITY

     Unfortunately, the response of the Exile
to this historic

opportunity was less than enthusiastic.  A
group of some forty

thousand did return; however, the majority of
Am Yisrael

remained in Bavel.  For an insight into the
tragedy of the

missed opportunity we need only quote the
explanation given by

Rav Yehuda Ha-Levi in Sefer Ha-Kuzari
(II.24):

  "Had the entire nation enthusiastically
answered the divine

  call to return to the Land, the idyllic
prophecies of the

  return to Zion would have been fulfilled
and the Shchina

  would have returned.  In reality, however,
only a small

  portion returned.  The majority remained in
Bavel, willfully

  accepting the exile, as they did not wish
to leave their

  homes & businesses etc." (sounds
familiar...)

 

     Even those who did return lacked
enthusiasm.  The apathy

of the returnees is echoed in the prophecies
of Chagai and

Zecharya, the prophets of this time period
(see Chagai 1:1-3;

2:3 see also Zecharya 4:10; 6:15; 7:4-7; 8:6.

.    How does all of this relate to Megillat
Esther?

     How could it not relate!

 

     Could the fact that Am Yisrael remained
scattered among

the 127 provinces of the Persian Empire,
while they could have

returned a generation or two earlier to
Jerusalem, not relate

to the prophetic message of the Megilla?

     Considering that Yirmiyahu's seventy
years are over, why

are so many Jews living in Shushan and all
over the Persian

empire during the time period of
Achashverosh?

     Could not this fact alone supply
sufficient reason for

God to consider Am Yisrael negligent of their
covenantal

responsibilities?

     With this in mind, we must now take a
second look at the

Megilla in search of at least a 'hint' of
this theme.

 

 

PART III - THE THEME OF THE MEGILLA AND ITS
SATIRE

     Based on this historic and prophetic
setting, one could

suspect that the impending destruction of Am
Yisrael by Haman

may be a Divine punishment for their apathy.
After all, the

Jews living in the Persian empire appear to
have:

 

  *  preferred Shushan over Yerushalayim;

 

  *  opted to subjugate themselves to
Achashverosh rather than

      respond to God's call to return to
their land;

  *  Replaced the bet ha-mikdash with the
palace of

      Achashverosh!

               ["ve-nahafoch hu"]

 

     Even though this prophetic message is
not explicit in the

Megilla, we will now show how it may be
hidden in its satire.

  [Note: Before we continue, it is important
to clarify a

  problematic issue.  We are about to relate
many elements in

  the story of the Megilla to a satiric
commentary on Persian

  Jewry.  This does not mean that these
events did not

  actually occur.  The story of the Megilla
is true and based

  on historic facts.  However, its prophetic
message is

  conveyed through the use of literary tools,
such as satire

  and irony.  Often, criticism is more
poignant when delivered

  implicitly rather than explicitly.
(Lehavdil, take for

  example George Orwell's criticism of the
Russian revolution

  in 'Animal Farm'.)]

 

TEXTUAL AND THEMATIC SUPPORT

     For a start, we will bring two examples
where there

appears to be an 'echo' of God's voice behind
certain

statements in the Megilla.

     For example, the story of Vashti may
reflect God's utter

disappointment with Am Yisrael for not
returning to Israel to

fulfill their divine purpose, to become God's
'model' nation:

  "[Vashti was called to] come to the king
and show all the

  nations her beauty... but she did not come
as the King

  commanded, and he became very angry..."
(see Esther 1:9-12).

 

     Is not Vashti's behavior similar to that
of Am Yisrael?

Is not the King's conclusion similar to
God's?  Is not the

fear that all the women in the Persian
kingdom will now

disobey their husbands ironic?  If Am Yisrael
(destined to be

an 'or la-goyim') does not respond to its
divine call, what

could God expect from other nations?

  [Note that in earlier prophecy, Am Yisrael
is often compared

  to God's wife - see Hoshea 2:4,16-18.  See
also Zecharya 1:1-

  3, note 'shuvu eilai...' and 'va-yiktzof',
compare 1:12.]

 

     Furthermore, who is the real king in the
Megilla?  Chazal

raise the possibility that the word
'ha-melech' [the King] in

the Megilla may be 'kodesh', as it often [in
a hidden manner]

may be referring to God and not to
Achashverosh.

     Even Haman's petition to Achashverosh to
destroy Am

Yisrael may echo a similar complaint that God
may have against

His own nation:

  "There is a certain nation scattered among
the nations whose

  laws are different than any other nation,
but the laws of

  the King they do not keep, and it is not
worthwhile for the

  King to leave them be.  Therefore, if it
please the king,

  let it be written that they be
destroyed..." (see 3:8-9).

 

     In a certain way, Haman's accusation is
similar to God's

threat in Shirat Ha'azinu to destroy am
Yisrael for not

keeping His laws (32:26).  After all, what
purpose is there

for God to keep His people if they refuse to
obey Him and

fulfill their divine goal?

 

TEN THOUSAND KIKAR KESEF

     Recall as well the continuation of the
above pasuk, re:

the handsome bribe that Haman had paid to
Achashverosh to

assure that this edict would be issued,
noting the amount of

money Haman 'donates' and its purpose:

  "...If it please the king, let it be
written that they be

  destroyed; and I will pay ten thousand
KIKAR KESEF [talents

  of silver] by way of the hands of the OSEI
HA'MLACHA [those

  who 'do the work'!] to bring it into the
king's treasuries.

  And the king took his ring from his hand,
and gave it unto

  Haman...  And the king said unto Haman:
'The silver is given

  to you, the people also, to do with them as
they see fit..."

  (See Esther 3:8-11)

 

     Was it be 'just by chance', that during
the construction

of the first Temple, the leaders of the
people of Israel

(during the time of King David) donated the
exact same amount

of silver to be used by the workers of its
construction:

  "Then the princes of the fathers' houses,
and the princes of

  the tribes of Israel, and the captains of
thousands and of

  hundreds, with the rulers over the king's
work, offered

  willingly; and they gave for the service of
the house of

  God... and of silver ten thousand KIKARIM
[talents] ...

  Then the people rejoiced, for that they
offered willingly,

  because with a whole heart they offered
willingly to the

  LORD; and David the king also rejoiced with
great joy!"

   (see Divrei Hayamim I 29:6-9)

 

     Recall as well that the book of Divrei
Ha'yamim was

composed at approximately the same time as
Megillat Esther -

i.e. by the Anshei Knesset ha'gdola during
the Persian time

period of the Second Temple.  Hence, this
parallel should not

surprise us!

====

 

     Even though these first three examples
may appear a bit

'stretched', a more convincing textual proof
is found in the

parallel between Achashverosh's palace and
the bet mikdash.

This parallel is significant for it reflects
the fact the Bnei

Yisrael had neglected the bet ha-mikdash in
Yerushalayim,

preferring instead to be dependent on the
palace of

Achashverosh.  We begin by comparing the
overall structure of

each:

 

KODESH KODASHIM - CHATZER PNIMIT

     The Megilla refers to the most inner
chamber of the

king's palace as the 'chatzer ha-pnimit'
(5:1), where entry to

anyone is forbidden under threat of death -
unless called to

enter (as Esther feared in 4:11).  Here we
find an obvious

parallel to the kodesh ha-kodashim in the
mikdash (Purim -

kippurim!).

 

KODESH - CHATZER CHITZONA

     The 'waiting area' outside the inner
chamber is called

the 'chatzer ha-chitzona' (6:4).  Here 'ro'ei
pnei ha-melech'

(1:14) like Haman himself are allowed to
enter freely.  This

is parallel to the kodesh where kohanim are
permitted to

enter.

       [See description of the Temple in
Yechezkel 40:18-19.]

 

AZARA - SHA'AR BET HA-MELECH

     In front of the palace is 'sha'ar bet
ha-melech' where

people like Mordechai are permitted to stand
(2:18,21).

However, here one must dress properly
('aveilut' is not

permitted), therefore he cannot be there
dressed in sackcloth

(see 4:2!).  This area is parallel to the
azara in the

mikdash.

 

YERUSHALAYIM - REHOV HA-IR SHUSHAN

     This is the area 'lifnei sha'ar
ha-melech' (4:2) or

'rechov ha-ir' (4:6) where Mordechai can
dress in sackcloth.

This is parallel to the city of Yerushalayim
surrounding the

mikdash.

 

     This parallel is strengthened by the
Megilla's use of the

word bira to describe Shushan.  As we
explained in our

introduction, in Divrei Ha-yamim, the only
other time in

Tanach prior to Megillat Esther where this
word is mentioned,

bira describes specifically the bet
ha-mikdash, and in the

context of its purpose to serve as a national
center and

symbol of God's Name.  [See DH I 29:1 & 19,
you should read

from 29:1-25 to see the context.  (You'll
find there a

familiar passage from davening, which maybe
you will now

understand a little better.)]

  [See also Masechet Middot I:9, where the
Mishna refers to

  the bet ha-mikdash as the bira.]

 

     Other parallels to mikdash are found in
the use of key

words such as 'yekar ve-tif'eret' (1:4);
'tekhelet, butz,

ve-argaman' (1:6) in the Megilla's
description of the king's

party.

  [Based on these psukim, the gemara (Megilla
12a) claims that

  Achashverosh donned the 'bigdei kohen
gadol' at his party!]

 

     Even the 6-month party followed by a
seven-day special

celebration may parallel the six months that
it took to build

the mishkan (from Yom Kippur till Rosh
Chodesh Nissan)

followed by the seven-day 'milu'im' ceremony.
Likewise,

Chazal explain, 've-keilim mi-keilim shonim'
(1:7) as

referring to the vessels of the bet
ha-mikdash.

     Chazal even suggest that Haman's decree
may have been Am

Yisrael's punishment for drinking from these
keilim or

alternately for their participation in and
enjoyment of the

royal party (see Megilla 12a).

  [Note that according to pshat, the keilim
had returned with

  Sheshbatzar during the time of Koresh (see
Ezra 1:7-8).

  However, the Midrash emphasizes the
thematic connection

  between the party and Bnei Yisrael's lack
of enthusiasm to

  build the mikdash.]

 

     Hence we can conclude that the Megilla's
satire suggests

that during this time period Am Yisrael had
replaced:

 

*   God with Achashverosh;

 

*   God's Temple with Achashverosh's palace;
and

 

*   Yerushalayim ha-bira with Shushan
ha-bira! ['ve-nahafoch hu']

 

 

70 DAYS / 70 YEARS

     Another seemingly unimportant detail in
the Megilla

concerning when the two decrees were sent
might also allude to

this prophetic backdrop.

     Recall that the original decree calling
for the

destruction of the Jews was sent out on the
13th day of Nisan

(3:12).  Several days later Haman was hanged
and Esther

pleaded from the king to repeal this decree
(8:3-6).

Achashverosh agreed; however, the actual
letters were not sent

out until the 23rd of Sivan - some two months
later (8:9)!

What took so long?

     By carefully comparing these two dates,
we again find an

amazing reminder of Yirmiyahu's prophecy of
the seventy years.

Between the 13th of Nisan until the 23rd of
Sivan - 70 days

elapsed (17+30+23).  During these seventy
days, all of the

Jews throughout the Persian Empire were under
the tremendous

peril of impending destruction, thinking that
their doom was

inevitable.  Could this be an ironic reminder
to the Jewish

people that they had not heeded Yirmiyahu's
prophecy of what

he expected from Bnei Yisrael once the
seventy years had

expired (see 29:10-14!)?

 

     A similar concept of suffering for a
sin, a day for a

year (and vice versa), is found twice in
Tanach in related

circumstances.  After the sin of the
'meraglim', the forty

days are replaced by the punishment of forty
years of

wandering.  Here, too, the nation opted not
to fulfill their

divine destiny, preferring a return to Egypt
to the conquest

of Eretz Yisrael.  Yechezkel, too, is
required to suffer 'a

day for each year.'

  [For 390 days followed by an additional 40
days, he must lie

  on his side and repent for the sins of
Israel and Yehuda

  that led to the destruction of Yerushalayim
(Yechezkel

  4:1-14!)].

 

     A similar claim is made by the Midrash
which suggests

that Achashverosh threw his 180 day party in
celebration of

the fact that Yirmiyahu's seventy years were
over and the bet

ha-mikdash was not rebuilt.  In pshat, this
explanation is

unreasonable.  Why should the most powerful
king of

civilization worry about the prophecies of
Yirmiyahu, while

the Jews themselves do not listen to him?

However, on the level of drash, this
explanation is

enlightening.  Chazal, in the spirit of the
Megilla -

've-nahafoch hu' - put into Achashverosh's
mind what should

have been in the mind of Am Yisrael, i.e. the
fulfillment of

Yirmiyahu's prophecy of seventy years and the
desire to

return.

 

PESACH AND PURIM

     Based on our understanding thus far, it
is also

understandable why Israel's salvation from
Haman's decree

comes only after Am Yisrael collectively
accept a three day

fast.  This fast takes place on the 15, 16, &
17th of Nisan.

Interestingly enough, the events that led to
the repeal of

Haman's decree take place 'davka' during the
holiday of Pesach

- the holiday on which we celebrate our
freedom from

subjugation to a foreign nation and the
beginning of our

journey to the Promised Land.

 

 

PART IV -  WHY SATIRE?

     We have shown that the Megilla is laced
with allusions to

the fact that Am Yisrael does not answer its
divine call

during the Persian time period.  But the
question remains, why

is this message only hinted at but not
explicitly stated by

Chazal?  Most probably for the same reason
that it is not

explicit in the Megilla.

  This is the power of satire.  In order to
strengthen the

message, a powerful point is not explicitly
stated, but only

alluded to.  The direct approach used by the
other 48 nevi'im

of Tanach had not been very successful.

  [See Masechet Megilla 14a (top) - "gedola
hasarat ha-taba'at

  shel Haman yoter mi-48 nevi'im..."!]

 

     One could suggest that Anshei Knesset
Ha-gdola, in their

decision to write (see Bava Batra 15a] (and
later canonize)

Megillat Esther, had hoped that a satirical
message would be

more powerful than a direct one.  Hence,
Midrashim of Chazal

that comment on the Megilla may follow a
similar approach.

[Note how the prophet Natan's message to
David ha-melech in

regard to his sin with Bat-sheva was much
more powerful

because he used the 'mashal' of kivsat
ha-rash" (see II Shmuel

12:1-7!).]

 

PART V - THE MINHAGIM  OF PURIM

     Up until this point we have explained
how the satire in

the Megilla may reflect a prophetic censure
of Am Yisrael in

Bavel for not returning to Yerushalayim when
the opportunity

arose during the time of Koresh.  However, if
our assumptions

are indeed correct, then we would expect the
outcome of the

Megilla, or at least the celebration of Purim
for future

generations to reflect this theme.

     Instead, we don't find any 'mass aliya'
movement after

our salvation.  Nor does the celebration of
Purim (with

'mishteh' and sending 'mishloach manot')
appear to reflect

this theme in any manner.

     However, with a 'little help' from the
prophecies of

Zecharya, we can suggest an answer for these
questions as

well.  To do so, we must first identify who
the specific

Persian King Achashverosh was.

 

SOME MORE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

     The topic of the history of the Persian
time period is

very complicated and the subject of a major
controversy

between most Midrashei Chazal and the
historians (& a minority

opinion in Chazal).  To explain this
controversy is beyond the

scope of this shiur, instead we will simply
present the two

conflicting opinions concerning when
Achashverosh reigned.

 

     According to Seder Olam (and hence the
majority opinion

in Chazal), Achashverosh was the Persian King
immediately

after Koresh, but before Daryavesh, and thus
the story of the

Megilla takes place after 'shivat tzion' (the
return to Zion

during the time of Koresh) but before the
second bet ha-

mikdash is actually built.

     According to this opinion, the events of
the Megilla had

a tremendous affect on the situation in
Yerushalayim.  Only

two years after the story of Megilla, King
Darius, son of

Esther gives the Jews permission to return
and build the

Second Temple.  Construction began during the
second year of

Darius (= Daryavesh).

     The events of the Megilla also appear to
have catalyzed a

major aliya movement.  According to Chazal,
Ezra's aliya from

Bavel took place only a few years afterward,
during the

seventh year of his reign of Daryavesh (who
Chazal identify

with Artachshasta / see Ezra 7:1-9).

     Thus, according to Seder Olam's opinion,
the events of

the Megilla indeed had a major effect on the
rebuilding of the

Temple and shivat tzion - the return to Zion.

 

     According to most historians (and a
minority opinion in

Chazal / see Tirgum ha-shiv'im & Pirkei
de-Rabbi Eliezer

chapter 49), Achashverosh was the Persian
king who succeeded

Darius (486 - 465 BCE), and thus the story of
the Megilla

takes place some forty years after the second
Temple was

built, and thus after Chagai & Zecharya's
plea to return and

fulfill the potential of Bayit Sheni.  [Its
construction began

in 521 BCE / in the second year of Darius the
Great; hence the

story in the Megilla takes place in 474 BCE.]

     According to this opinion, no major
event takes place

immediately after the events in the Megilla.
In fact, over

two decades pass before a new wave of olim
come with Ezra and

Nechemya to help strengthen the city of
Yerushalayim.  [The

historians identify Artachshasta with
Artexerxes, not the same

king as Darius.]

     If our assumption concerning the satire
of the Megilla is

correct, why don't we find a mass aliya
movement immediately

after the miracle of Purim.  [Jews of the
twentieth century

could ask themselves a similar question!]

 

     Furthermore, according to either
opinion, shouldn't the

manner by which we celebrate Purim relate to
this theme and

satire?

     Finally, why is it necessary to
celebrate Purim for all

generations?  Purim is not the only time in
our history when

Bnei Yisrael are saved from terrible enemies.
Chazal go even

one step further.  They claim that Purim will
be the only

holiday kept at the time of the final
redemption!  (See Rambam

Hilchot Megilla, Esther 9:28 and
commentaries).

 

THE MEGILLA AND SEFER ZECHARYA

     If we follow the opinion of the
'historians' in regard to

the time period of Megillat Esther, then the
prophecies of

Zecharya concerning the potential of Bayit
Sheni precede the

story in the Megilla.  If so, then we posit
that numerous

textual parallels between the Megilla and
Sefer Zecharya are

intentional.  In other words, when 'anshei
knesset ha-gedola'

wrote Megillat Esther (most likely during the
time period of

Ezra / see Bava Batra 15a), they assumed that
anyone reading

the Megilla was familiar with Sefer Zecharya,
and hence would

understand the implicit meaning of these
parallels.

     We will now show how the Megilla may
suggest that Am

Yisrael's predicament during the time period
of Achashverosh

was caused because of Zecharya's prophecies
(a generation

earlier) were not taken seriously!  To
appreciate this

message, we must study Zecharya chapters
7->8.

 

     For a background, review the first six
chapters of Sefer

Zecharya, noting how they focus on one
primary theme - the

return of the Shchina to Yerushalayim.
However, Zecharya

warns numerous times that the Shchina's
return will be a

function of Am Yisrael's covenantal
commitment (see 6:15).

Redemption is indeed possible; however,
Zecharya insists that

the 'spiritual' return of Am Yisrael was no
less important

than their physical return:

     "Shuvu eilai.. ve-ashuva aleichem" (1:3,
see also 8:7-8).

    [It is highly suggested that you read at
least the first

    two chapters of Zecharya (note 'hadassim'
and 'ish rochev

    al sus' in chapter 1, and 'prazot teshev
Yerushalayim' in

    chapter 2) and then chapters 7-8 before
continuing.]

 

SHOULD WE FAST ON TISHA BE-AV?

     According to Chagai 2:18, construction
of the Temple

began on this same year, i.e. during the
second year of

Daryavesh.  Zecharya chapter seven opens two
years later when

an official delegation from Bavel arrives in
Jerusalem to ask

Zecharya a very fundamental question:

  "Ha-evkeh be-chodesh ha-chamishi?"  Should
we continue to

  fast in the 5th month (i.e. the fast of
Tisha Be-av)?  (see

  7:3)

 

     The question appears to be quite
legitimate.  After all,

now that the Temple is rebuilt, there no
longer appears to be

a need to fast.   However, Zecharya's lengthy
and official

reply (7:4-8:23) to this question contains an
eternal message

that relates to the very nature of the ideal
redemption

process.

     In Zecharya 7:4-7, God appears to be
quite disturbed by

the people's question regarding the need to
fast.  Instead of

showing their interest in the greater picture
of the

redemption process, the people seem only to
be interested in

whether or not they have to fast.  In the
eyes of the prophet,

their question reflected a general attitude
problem in regard

to the entire redemption process.

     God's answer implies that the fast of
Tisha Be-av is not

a divine commandment - rather it was a
'minhag' instituted by

Chazal to remember not only the Temple's
destruction, but also

the reason why the churban took place (see
7:5-6).  Thus, God

explains, feasting or fasting is man's
decision, while God is

interested in something much more basic -
that Bnei Yisrael

keep the mitzvot which they had neglected
during the first

Temple period (see 7:5-14).

     Zecharya continues his answer with two
chapters of

'musar' (rebuke) in which he emphasizes the
most basic mitzvot

that Bnei Yisrael must keep in order for the
Shchina to

return:

  "EMET u-mishpat shalom shiftu
be-sha'areichem, ve-chesed

  ve-rachamim asu ish et achiv.  Almana,
ve-yatom ve-ani al

  ta'ashoku..." (7:8-10).

    - Truth, social justice, helping the poor
and needy, and

    thinking kindly of one's neighbor, etc.

 

     God is anxious for His Shchina to
return, but in order

for that to happen, Yerushalayim must first
become a city

characterized by truth (8:1-3).  God foresees
the return the

exiles from lands in the east and west.  With
their return,

God and His nation will become once again
covenantal partners,

through "emet & tzedaka" (see 8:7-8).

     Finally, after many words of
encouragement and repeated

'musar' (see 8:11-17), God finally answers
the original

question concerning the fast days.  Should Am
Yisrael return

to Israel and keep "emet ve-shalom, the four
fast days

commemorating the destruction of Yerushalayim
will become

holidays:

  "tzom ha-rvii, v'tzom ha'chamishi... [The
four fast days]

  will be instead for Yehuda days of
celebration... [on the

  condition that] they will love emet &
shalom" (see 8:18-19 /

  note parallel to Megilla 9:30-31!)

 

     After two chapters of rebuke, Zecharya
finally answers

the people's original question.  Should Bnei
Yisrael indeed

show their devotion to God, i.e. if they
practice 'emet

u-mishpat shalom', then the fast days, the
days of crying for

Jerusalem, will become holidays instead.

     Should Bnei Yisrael indeed love keeping
emet & shalom

(these two words simply summarize the primary
points raised by

Zecharya in this perek), then the redemption
process will be

complete.

 

ISH YEHUDI

     Zecharya concludes this prophecy with
his vision of

numerous people from many great nations will
one day come to

Yerushalayim in search of God.  They will
gather around the

ish yehudi, asking for his guidance, for they
will have heard

that God is with His people (8:20-23).

     Had Am Yisrael heeded this prophetic
call in the time of

Koresh and Daryavesh, then they would not
have been scattered

among 127 provinces during the time of
Achashverosh.  One

could suggest that instead of celebrating
with the Persians at

the party in Shushan, the Jews could (&
should) have been

celebrating with God at His bet ha-mikdash in
Yerushalayim.

     The ish yehudi would have been in the
bira in

Yerushalayim, making God's Name known to
other nations;

instead, the Megilla opens as an ish yehudi
is found in the

bira of Achashverosh in Shushan, ironically
carrying the name

of foreign god.

  [One could also suggest that Mordechai's
institution of the

  yearly celebration of Purim relates
specifically to this

  prophecy.  First of all, note how this day
is described as

  one that turns around from 'yagon' to
'simcha', from

  'mourning to holiday' (see Esther 9:22).
Purim may

  symbolize the manner in which the fast days
for Jerusalem

  will one day become holidays.]

 

     This parallel to Zecharya could explain
the reason for

the special mitzvot that Mordechai instituted
for Purim in his

first letter (see Esther 9:20-22).  They
reflect Zecharya's

repeated message of helping the needy
(matanot le-evyonim/

note Zecharya 7:10) and thinking nicely of
one's neighbors

(mishloach manot ish le-re'eihu / note
8:16-17!).  Once a year

we must remind ourselves of the most basic
mitzvot that we

must keep in order that we become worthy of
returning to

Yerushalayim and rebuilding the Bet
ha'mikdash.

 

     Certain halachot instituted by Chazal
may reflect this

message.  Interestingly, Shushan Purim is
replaced with

Yerushalayim Purim for the walled cities from
the time of

Yehoshua bin Nun replace the walled city of
Shushan!  [See

Yehoshua 21:42 and its context, compare to
Esther 9:2.]

 

SHALOM VE-EMET

     Although this explanation for certain
minhagim of Purim

may seem a bit 'stretched', textual proof is
found in the

closing psukim of the Megilla (9:29-32 / read
it carefully!).

     Recall how Mordechai and Esther found it
necessary to

send out a second 'igeret' (letter) - whose
purpose was not

only to give authority ('tokef') to the
holiday that they had

instituted, but also to explain the reason
for these

'minhagim' [customs] of Purim, as detailed in
their original

letter.

      What was the content of this special
second letter?  To

our surprise, accordingly to the Megilla, its
content is

summarized by one very short phrase:

  " And sent letters unto all the Jews, to
the 127 provinces

  of the kingdom of Achashverosh, containing
divrei shalom

  ve-emet  - words of peace & truth"!

     [See Esther 9:30, read carefully.]

 

     These two key words - "shalom v'emet" -
are not simply

the opening words of this letter.  Rather,
they describe the

entire content of this second letter.  But
this very special

phrase also points us directly back to
Zecharya's prophecy

about the fast days becoming holidays (read
Zecharya 8:18-19

again) - for they explain not only when, but
also why (i.e.

under what conditions) the fast days will
become holidays - if

and when Bnei Yisrael keep 'shalom' and
'emet'!

  But that short two word phrase in Zecharya
is chosen by the

navi for it beautifully summarizes the entire
content of his

prophecy concerning values that he expects
the people to focus

on, to assure that the redemption process of
the Second Temple

will continue in the proper direction - so
that God's

"Shechina" could return.

  [For example, note how many time Zecharya
had mentioned "ish

  el re'eyhu" or "ish el achiv" in 7:9 &
8:16-17, as well as

  caring for the poor and needy in 7:10.
Note as well how the

  words "shalom" and "emet" are used numerous
times by

  Zecharya in chapters 7 and 8!]

  

  Hence, we conclude, that the second
"igeret" was sent to

explain to the people, based on the earlier
prophecies of

Zecharya, the purpose of these special
minhagim of Purim.

Mordechai and Esther had established Purim as
a yearly

reminder of the prophecies of Zecharya.  Even
though they

remained unfulfilled, those customs would
help remind Am

Yisrael concerning what is required of them
in order for that

redemption process to reach its highest
goals.

  

     The continuation of this second "igeret"
strengthens this

interpretation.  Note how the Megilla also
explains under what

authority (tokef) Mordechai and Esther
institute these

halachot:

  "Ka'asher kiymu al nafsham divrei ha-tzomot
ve-za'akatam"

  (9:31)  [Compare these psukim carefully to
Zecharya

  8:18-19.]

 

     Recall, God had told Zecharya that fast
days and feast

days are up to man to decide.  Now, according
to the second

igeret, just like ('ka'asher') the prophets
instituted the

four fast days in order that we remember
Yerushalayim,

Mordechai now institutes a 'feast day' to
remember

Yerushalayim.  In other words, our yearly
special celebration

on the 14th and 15th of Adar can remind us of
how we will (in

the future, when worthy) celebrate those four
fast days - once

Yerushalayim will be re-built and the nation
will be acting in

the proper manner.

  [Note that this pasuk cannot be referring
to our Ta'anit

  Esther, for if it refers to the three day
fast, that fast

  was a one time event and was not "al
nafsham ve-al zar'am".

  Likewise, it cannot be the fast of the 13th
of Adar, as that

  custom only began during the time period of
the Ge'onim.

  Therefore, it must refer to the four fast
days on

  Jerusalem.]

 

DID THEY 'GET THE MESSAGE'?

     So why didn't everyone return
immediately afterward to

Israel?

     Most probably, after the events of the
Megilla, a mass

return to Yerushalayim was not realistic.

  In fact, the rather anti-climatic' final
lines of the

Megilla (see 10:1) seem to indicate that 'all
said and done',

nothing really changed (people are paying
taxes to

Achashverosh).  Nonetheless, Mordechai wanted
to institute a

holiday that would remind Am Yisrael that
should such an

opportunity arise (once again), that they
will know how to

relate to it properly.  Sefer Zecharya and
its theme of

"shalom ve-emet" serve as the spiritual
guide.

  [This interpretation may help explain why
the celebration of

  Purim will remain even after our final
redemption.]

 

      Purim, therefore, has deep meaning for
all generations.

Its message may have been 'hiding' behind the
costumes, the

drinking ("ad de-lo yada"), the 'purim
Torah', and 'shalach

mannos'.  It may have been lost within our
ignorance of

Tanach.  Its message, however, remains
eternal, just as our

aspirations for Yerushalayim and the
establishment therein of

a just society - remain eternal.

 

                                   purim
sameiach,

                                   menachem

 

 

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