[Par-reg] Parshat Terumah - shiur
Menachem Leibtag
tsc at bezeqint.net
Wed Feb 21 13:51:27 EST 2007
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THE TANACH STUDY CENTER [http://www.tanach.org]
In Memory of Rabbi Abraham Leibtag
Shiurim in Chumash & Navi by Menachem Leibtag
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PARSHAT TERUMA
Why do we need a Mishkan [Tabernacle]?
It is commonly understood that ideally, God could be worshiped
directly, i.e. without the need of a physical symbol.
However, due to the events of chet ha-egel [the sin of the
Golden Calf], God changed His original plans; realizing that
without providing some physical medium, Bnei Yisrael would
inevitably turn to idol worship instead.
This opinion is often attributed to Rashi, and the host of
other commentators - who claim that the commandment to build
the Mishkan [in Parshat Teruma] was first given, only after
the sin of the golden calf [in Parshat Ki-tisa] - even though
the Torah recorded the laws of Mishkan beforehand.
Those who argue that the Mishkan was not an 'after-thought',
but rather part of God's ideal to have a 'meeting place' with
His nation - are championed by Ramban, who claims (arguing
with Rashi) that the Torah has recorded these events in their
proper chronological order. [According to this opinion, it
was simply coincidental that Bnei Yisrael's sin with the
golden calf took place at the same time when God was teaching
Moshe the laws of the Mishkan on Har Sinai.]
Hence it would appear that the underlying reason behind
this 'philosophical' debate (regarding the need for a Mishkan)
lies in an 'exegetic' controversy concerning when the
commandment to build the mishkan was first given, before or
after the sin of the golden calf.
In this week's shiur, as we study this controversy and
its ramifications, we will arrive at a very different
conclusion. Our study will focus on the thematic connections
between the Mishkan and Ma'amad Har Sinai, while trying to
make sense out of Chazal's understanding of "ein mukdam u-
me'uchar ba-Torah" - i.e. their exegetic assumption that the
Torah may intentionally record certain events out of their
chronological order.
INTRODUCTION
- Four Units in the 2nd half of Sefer Shmot -
To clarify our understanding this controversy between
Rashi and Ramban, it is helpful to divide the last half of
Sefer Shmot into four distinct (and rather obvious) units.
1. Chapters 19-24 - Ma'amad Har Sinai
As we discussed in our shiurim on Yitro & Mishpatim - this
unit discusses both the covenants, and laws that were given
to Bnei Yisrael upon their arrival at Har Sinai.
2. Chapters 25-31 - The commandment to build the Mishkan
This section includes a complete set of laws concerning how
to build (and operate) the Mishkan - that spans all of
Parshiot Teruma & Tetzaveh, and the first half of Ki Tisa.
3. Chapters 32-34 - The sin of the Golden Calf
These two chapters [i.e. the 2nd half of Parshat Ki Tisa]
form a distinct unit, as they describe the incident of chet
ha-egel and what takes place in its aftermath (i.e. when
Moshe ascends Har Sinai to receive the second luchot).
4, Chapters 35-40 - The building of the Mishkan
These six chapters [Parshiot Vayakhel/Pekudei] form the
final unit in Sefer Shmot, as they describe how the Mishkan
was built and assembled, concluding with God's "schechina"
descending upon it.
The following table reviews these four units:
CHAPTERS TOPIC (PARSHA)
======== ===== ========
(A) 19-24 MA'AMAD HAR SINAI (YITRO/MISHPATIM)
[the FIRST LUCHOT]
(B) 25-31 COMMANDMENT TO BUILD - (TERUMAH/TEZAVEH)
THE MISHKAN
(C) 32-34 CHET HA'EGEL (2nd half of KI-TISA)
[the SECOND LUCHOT]
(D) 35-40 BUILDING THE MISHKAN (VA'YAKHEL/PEKUDEI)
By referring to the above table, it is easier to
understand more precisely the basic controversy between Rashi
and Ramban. While Ramban keeps Chumash 'in order' [A-B-C-D],
Rashi claims that God's commandment to build the Mishkan [unit
'B'] was given only after the events of chet ha-egel [unit
'C'], and hence the order would be A-C-B-D. [See Rashi on
31:18.]
As Ramban's opinion appears to be most logical, we begin
our study with a discussion of his approach. Afterward, we
study Rashi's approach to show how it fundamentally may be
more similar to Ramban's than we originally assumed.
THE FIRST FORTY DAYS - FOR WHAT?
Recall that at the conclusion of Parshat Mishpatim [the
end of Unit A], Moshe ascends Har Sinai to receive the
"luchot, torah, & mitzva" (see 24:12). As we know, the luchot
are the tablets upon which God inscribed the Ten Commandments.
Even though it remains unclear concerning what the words torah
& mitzva refer to (note the different opinions among the
commentators on 24:12!), it would only be logical to assume
that these laws that Moshe receives at this time, would relate
in some form or other to these "luchot" that he now ascends to
receive.
In fact, the above chart illustrates the logic of this
approach. When Moshe ascends Har Sinai to receive the luchot
at the conclusion of unit A (see 24:12-18) - he receives
exactly those commandments that follow immediately afterward
in unit B - i.e. the laws of the Mishkan (i.e. chapters 25
thru 31).
[For those of you familiar with computers, this is similar
to the concept of 'WYSIWYG' - What You See Is What You Get.
What the Torah records when Moshe goes up - is exactly what
Moshe received at that time. It should be noted that Ramban
himself explains that the words "torah" & "mitzvah" in 24:12
refer not only to the Mishkan, but to the laws that Moshe
teaches Bnei Yisrael in Sefer Devarim as well.]
Furthermore, considering that the primary purpose of
Moshe's ascent to Har Sinai is to receive the luchot - which
serve as a symbol of the covenant at Har Sinai (see 19:5,
24:7); it only makes sense that he would receive at the same
time a set of instructions to build an edifice that would
house these 'tablets'. [Recall that these "luchot" are to be
housed in the aron - the holy ark - which is located at the
center of the Mishkan.]
Finally, it also appears that the Mishkan will also serve
as the location from where God will continue to teach Moshe
Rabeinu the remaining commandments. Simply note the Torah's
explicit explanation for the purpose of the "kaporet":
"And you shall put the kaporet above upon the aron; and in
the aron you shall put the LUCHOT that I will give you.
And there I will meet with you, and I will SPEAK TO YOU
from above the kaporet - from between the two cherubim -
which are upon the ARON ha'EDUT, of all things which I will
command you concerning Bnei Yisrael."
(see Shmot 25:21-22)
This pasuk provides us with a perfect explanation for why
the laws of the Mishkan come first. Once the Mishkan is
built, the remaining mitzvot can be conveyed to Moshe via the
kaporet!
[In fact, note that immediately after the mishkan is
assembled (see Shmot chapter 40), God transmits an entire
set of mitzvot to Moshe from the kaporet in the ohel mo'ed -
as described in book of Vayikra! [See Vayikra 1:1 and our
TSC shiur on Parshat Pekudei.]
Therefore, even though Moshe Rabeinu may have received
certain laws at this time in addition to those of the Mishkan,
it certainly makes sense that God would have given the laws of
the Mishkan to Moshe at this time as well.
THE MISHKAN & HAR SINAI
Not only does Ramban follow this approach, in his
commentary on the opening line of Parshat Teruma (see 25:1) he
suggests an even more profound reason for the Torah's
presentation of the laws of the Mishkan specifically at this
time.
Based on both textual and conceptual arguments, Ramban
argues that the primary purpose of the Mishkan was to serve as
a vehicle that would allow Bnei Yisrael to perpetuate the
experience of Ma'amad Har Sinai; and hence it becomes the
first mitzva that Moshe receives when he ascends Har Sinai.
Even though Moshe Rabeinu may have received other mitzvot at
that time (see Ramban on 24:12), Sefer Shmot focuses
specifically on the laws of the Mishkan because it will serve
as an everlasting symbol of the covenant that Bnei Yisrael
accepted at Har Sinai.
This provides us with yet another reason for why the
first mtizva of this section is to build the "aron". That
special ark will house the luchot - the symbol of their
covenant at Har Sinai.
To summarize Ramban's approach, we will quote a few lines
from his commentary [though it is highly recommended that you
read the entire Ramban inside]:
"After God had given the Ten Commandments directly to
Yisrael and instructed them with a sampling of the mitzvot
(i.e. Parshat Mishpatim)... and Bnei Yisrael accepted these
laws and entered a covenant (24:1-11)... behold they became
His nation and He became their God, as was originally
stipulated [at brit mila and Har Sinai]... Now they are
worthy to have a house - His dwelling - in their midst
dedicated to His Name, and there He will speak with Moshe
and command Bnei Yisrael... Now the 'secret' ('sod') of the
mishkan is that God's glory ('kavod') which dwelled on Har
Sinai will now dwell [instead] on the mishkan 'be-nistar'
[in a more hidden manner, in contrast to Har Sinai]..." (see
Ramban 25:1).
RASHI'S APPROACH
Despite the beauty and simplicity of Ramban's approach,
Rashi claims exactly the opposite (see 31:18): that the
commandment to build the mishkan came not only after, but
actually because of, chet ha-egel. In other words, Rashi
posits that the parshiot are not presented according to their
chronological order. Rashi goes even further, claiming that
during the first forty days Moshe received all the mitzvot of
the Torah except the laws of the mishkan!
At first glance, such an interpretation seems untenable.
Why should the Torah record at this point specifically the
mitzvot that Moshe did not receive at this time, while
omitting all the mitzvot which he did receive at this time?
What could possibly have led Rashi to this conclusion?
To answer this question, we must first explain the
exegetical principle of 'ein mukdam u-me'uchar ba-Torah'
[literally: there is no order in the sequence of parshiot in
the Torah]. Despite a common misunderstanding, this principle
does not imply that Chumash progresses in random sequence.
Rather, it implies that when God instructs Moshe Rabeinu to
write down the books of Chumash in the fortieth year, its laws
and narratives are not necessarily recorded according to their
chronological order. Rather, for thematic considerations,
Chumash may often record events in a different sequence - in
order to convey a certain thematic message.
[Most commentators, and especially many of the Midrashim
quoted by Rashi, employ this approach. Ramban, however,
consistently disagrees with this assumption, arguing that
unless a certain technical detail 'forces' him to say
otherwise, he will prefer to assume that Chumash is written
in chronological order.]
The principle of "ein mukdam u-me'uchar" implies that
when Moshe wrote down the Torah in its final form in the
fortieth year (see Devarim 31:25-26), its parshiot were
organized based on thematic considerations, and hence not
necessarily according to the chronological order of when they
were first given. By doing so, the Torah conveys its message
not only by the content of each parshia, but also by
intentionally juxtaposing certain parshiot next to one
another.
[See Chizkuni on Shmot 34:32 for an important insight
regarding this explanation.]
Rashi, following this approach, assumes that Chumash (at
times) may prefer a conceptual sequence over a chronological
one. Therefore, Rashi will often explain that a certain
parshia actually took place earlier or later when the
progression of theme implies as such.
With this background, we can better understand Rashi's
approach in our context. Employing the principle of ein
mukdam u-me'uchar, Rashi always begins with considerations of
theme and content in mind. He therefore cannot overlook the
glaring similarities between the construction of the mishkan
and chet ha-egel. Could it just be by chance that:
* Bnei Yisrael must collectively donate their gold to build
the mishkan (compare 25:1-2, 32:2-3);
* Betzalel, Chur's grandson, is chosen to build the mishkan;
[Rashi follows the Midrash which claims that Chur was
killed because he refused to allow Bnei Yisrael to build
the egel. (See Chizkuni 31:2.)]
* The opening pasuk concerning the mishkan - "and they shall
make for Me a mikdash and I will dwell in their midst"
(25:8) - appears to rectify Bnei Yisrael's situation in
the aftermath of chet ha-egel, when Moshe must move his
tent (called the ohel mo'ed) far away - outside the camp
(33:7);
* Aharon must bring a par (a bull / an egel is a baby bull)
for a chatat offering during the mishkan's dedication
ceremony. [The requirement of a chatat implies the
committal of a sin; see Rashi 29:1.]
Rashi therefore explains that the commandment to build
the mishkan came after chet ha-egel (during the last forty
days), for it served as a form of atonement for that sin.
[Nevertheless, it remains unclear according to Rashi why the
Torah chose to record these parshiot out of chronological
order. We'll return to this question later in the shiur.]
LECHATCHILA or BE-DI'AVAD?
It is very tempting to consider this dispute between
Rashi and Ramban a fundamental argument regarding the reason
behind the mishkan.
Clearly, according to Ramban, the mishkan is
'lechatchila' [ideal]. In other words, even had chet ha-egel
never occurred, it still would have been God's desire that
Bnei Yisrael build a mishkan, for it serves as a physical
representation of God's presence in their midst and a
perpetuation of the Sinai experience.
How should we understand Rashi? Can we infer from his
interpretation that the mishkan is 'be-di'avad' [a
compromise]? In other words, had it not been for chet ha-
egel, would there never have been a commandment to build a
Temple?
Was the mitzva to build the mishkan simply an 'after-
thought'? Was it only in the aftermath of Bnei Yisrael's sin
that God realized the people's need for a physical
representation of His presence?
Despite the temptation to arrive at this conclusion, we
posit that even according to Rashi's interpretation, one can
(and must) agree that God had originally intended for Bnei
Yisrael to have a Temple, or at least some form of physical
symbol to represent Him. To do so, i.e. to reconcile Rashi's
interpretation with Ramban's explanation of the mishkan, we
must differentiate between two key words (and concepts):
(1) MISHKAN - the portable Temple in the desert
and
(2) MIKDASH.- a permanent Temple
Although both words describe a sanctuary dedicated to the
worship of God, for the sake of clarity, each word (in our
explanation that follows) will be given a more specific
meaning.
TEMPLE TERMINOLOGY
* The mishkan is a temporary sanctuary (a Tabernacle), a
portable, tent-like structure. [Good for travel.]
* The mikdash is a permanent sanctuary (a Temple), such as
the massive stone structure built by King Solomon in
Jerusalem.
We posit that Rashi would agree with Ramban's claim that
the concept of a Sanctuary is "lechatchila, for it serves as a
symbol of God's shchina (the divine presence) dwelling with
Bnei Yisrael. As anyone who has read the Bible must notice,
the concept of a Temple emerges as a primary theme throughout
the entire Tanach.
To support this assumption, let's review several related
themes that we have discussed at length in our shiurim on
Sefer Breishit.
Recall that we first encountered the theme of a mikdash
when Avraham Avinu built a mizbeiach [altar] in Bet-El and
"called out in God's Name" (see 12:8 & 13:4). Later, at that
same site, Yaakov Avinu awakes from his dream and exclaims:
"Alas, this is the site for a Bet Elokim, for it is the gate
to the heavens" (Br.28:17).
Yaakov then erects a 'matzeva' (monument) and vows that
upon his return to Canaan he will establish that site as a Bet-
Elokim - a House for God. [See Breishit 28:17-22.]
Thus, the very concept of a Bet-Elokim clearly preceded
the golden calf.
Furthermore, even in 'shirat ha-yam', the song that Bnei
Yisrael sung after they crossed the Red Sea, we already find
an allusion the establishment of a mikdash immediately upon
their arrival in the land:
"Tevieimo ve-titaeimo be-har nachalatcha, machon le-
shivtecha... - mikdash, Hashem konanu yadecha..."
["You shall bring them in, and plant them in the mountain
of Your inheritance, the place, O LORD, which You have
set to dwell in, the MIKDASH (sanctuary), O Lord, which
Your hands have established"]
(See Shmot 15:17, and its context!)
Finally, in Parshat Mishpatim we find conclusive proof
that the basic concept of a Bet-Elokim is totally unrelated to
the events of chet ha-egel. Recall that even according to
Rashi, the laws recorded in Parshat Mishpatim were certainly
given before chet ha-egel. [See Rashi on 31:18, where he
explains that those laws (in Parshat Mishpatim) were given to
Moshe Rabeinu during his first forty days on Har Sinai.]
In that set of laws we find the mitzva of 'aliya la-
regel' - to 'visit God' three times a year:
"Three times a year you shall celebrate for Me... Keep chag
ha-matzot... and do not visit me empty-handed... Three times
a year all your males shall appear before me... " (see 23:14-
17).
If we find a commandment to 'be seen by God', it implies
that there most be some type of sanctuary that would represent
Him - i.e. a location where we can go to visit Him!
Therefore, without some sort of a mikdash, this mitzva of
aliya la-regel could not be fulfilled.
However, the next pasuk provides conclusive proof that
this sanctuary corresponds to the concept of a Bet-Elokim:
"Your first fruits must be brought to bet Hashem Elokecha -
to the HOUSE of the Lord your God..." (23:19).
This commandment to bring the first fruits to the Bet
Elokim clearly implies that there would have to be some sort
of 'sanctuary' that will serve as God's House.
Hence, even Rashi must agree that there would have been a
need for a Bet-Elokim even had Bnei Yisrael not sinned at chet
ha-egel.
Furthermore, there is no reason for Rashi not to agree
with Ramban's explanation that the primary function of the
mikdash (and its vessels) was to perpetuate Bnei Yisrael's
experience at Har Sinai. Instead, we will now show how their
dispute over the chronological order of these events stems
from a less fundamental issue - concerning the need to
construct a temporary sanctuary before entering the Land of
Israel.
WHO NEEDS A TENT?
According to Rashi's interpretation, one can still assume
that God's original intention was for Bnei Yisrael to build a
mikdash [a Temple]. However, had they not sinned with the
Golden Calf, there would not have been any need to build a
temporary one in the desert. However, after they sinned, the
conquest of the Land would now be delayed. Furthermore, the
nation needed to do something to show their repentance.
Therefore, God ordered them to build a temporary mikdash [what
we call a mishkan] at Har Sinai - before they would continue
on their journey.
Ramban would argue that even had Bnei Yisrael not sinned,
it would still have been necessary for them to build a
temporary mikdash [= mishkan] before they embarked on that
journey.
Let's attempt to explain why.
Rashi's position may be based upon God's original plan
that Bnei Yisrael would conquer the land through supernatural,
divine intervention (see Shmot 23:20-28). Assisted by God's
miracles, Bnei Yisrael would have needed only a very short
time to complete at least the first wave of conquest. Had
that actually occurred, there would have been no need to build
a temporary mishkan, for within a very short time it would
have been possible to build a permanent mikdash instead.
However, in the aftermath of chet ha-egel, the entire
situation changes. As God had removed His Shchina, Bnei
Yisrael must first bring the Shchina back to the camp before
they can conquer the Land. Hence, according to Rashi, the
actual process of building the mishkan could be considered a
form of 'spiritual rehabilitation'. Furthermore, the mishkan
would now provide Aharon and Bnei Yisrael with the opportunity
to offer korbanot and thus achieve atonement for their sin.
One could also suggest that due to chet ha-egel and the
'lower level' of the 'mal'ach' that will lead them into the
land (see Shmot 33:1-5 and the TSC shiur on Parshat Ki-tisa
re: the 13 midot), it may now take much longer for Bnei
Yisrael to complete their conquest. Therefore, a temporary
mikdash [= mishkan] is required, until a more permanent
mikdash can be built.
A CONCEPTUAL JUXTAPOSITION
According to this interpretation, we can now suggest
(according to Rashi) a beautiful thematic reason for the Torah
placing the commandment to build the mishkan out of
chronological order:
Even though the mitzva to build the 'temporary' mishkan
was given after the story of chet ha-egel, the Torah
intentionally records it earlier - immediately after Ma'amad
Har Sinai - to emphasize its thematic connection to that
event! In other words, Rashi, like Ramban, can also
understand that the primary function of the mikdash was to
perpetuate Ma'amad Har Sinai. In fact, had Bnei Yisrael not
sinned, the laws of the 'permanent' mikdash may have been
recorded at this spot in Chumash. However, now that a mishkan
was needed (due to the events of chet ha-egel), the laws of
this temporary mikdash are recorded at this point in Chumash,
to emphasize the very same thematic connection that Ramban
describes in great detail!
Now that Rashi makes so much sense, why wouldn't Ramban
agree? To answer this question, we must return to our
discussion of the differing approaches to 'mukdam u-me'uchar'.
Ramban prefers his principle that Chumash follows
chronological order. Despite the similarities between the
mishkan and the story of chet ha-egel (as listed above), they
are not convincing enough to warrant, in Ramban's view, a
distortion of the order of these parshiot. Therefore, Ramban
maintains that even had it not been for chet ha-egel, there
still would have been a need for a temporary mishkan.
In fact, one could suggest a very simple reason for the
immediate need of a temporary sanctuary. As we explained
earlier, Bnei Yisrael must still receive many more mitzvot
from God. A mishkan - with the aron and keruvim at its center
- is therefore necessary as the medium through which God can
convey the remaining mitzvot to Moshe. Furthermore, once the
Shchina descended upon Har Sinai, some sort of vehicle is
necessary to 'carry it' with them as they travel from Har
Sinai towards Eretz Canaan.
[Accordingly, Ramban explains that most of all the mitzvot
recorded in Sefer Vayikra and Sefer Bamidbar were actually
given from the ohel mo'ed (mishkan). See Ramban Vayikra 1:1
& 7:38. In regard to Sefer Devarim, see Ramban on 24:1 &
24:12.]
In summary, the dispute between Rashi and Ramban stems
from their different exegetical approaches and pertains only
to why a temporary mishkan was necessary before leaving Mount
Sinai. However, both would agree that a permanent mikdash
would have been necessary even had Bnei Yisrael not sinned at
chet ha-egel, for Bnei Yisrael, being God's special nation,
require a symbol of His Presence in their midst.
In our shiur on Parshat Tetzaveh, we will analyze the
internal structure of this unit of chapters 25->31 in order to
uncover additional parallels between the mishkan and the
events of Ma'amad Har Sinai. Till then,
shabbat shalom
menachem
FOR FURTHER IYUN:
A. In the shiur we argue that even according to Rashi, the
concept of a required mikdash for serving Hashem existed even
prior to the worship of the golden calf. Along similar lines,
Rav David Pardo, in his supra-commentary on Rashi entitled,
"Maskil le-David", writes that even in Rashi's view, the
general command to build a mishkan was transmitted to Moshe
during his first forty days atop the mountain. Only the
details of the construction, as presented in parshiyot Teruma
& Tetzaveh (and the beginning of Ki Tisa), were transmitted
later. Rav Pardo proves this from the repeated reference in
parshat Teruma to Hashem's having shown Moshe the appearance
of the mishkan "on the mountain" (25:40; 26:30; 27:8). In the
final two of these three references, Hashem employs the past
tense ("you have been shown"), suggesting that Moshe viewed
the image the mishkan before receiving these detailed
instructions. Apparently, as Rav Pardo argues, Moshe learned
of the mishkan - albeit only the generalities - during his
first forty days on the mountain, even before the calf. Thus,
Rashi clearly did not view the mishkan as necessary only in
response to the sin of the egel ha-zahav.
B. RAMBAN / RASHI - earlier sources
The argument as to whether Hashem ordered the
construction of the mishkan before or after the sin of the
golden calf predates Rashi and the Ramban; conflicting views
appear already in the Midrashim. Rashi's view, that the
parshiyot appear out of order, is the position of the Midrash
Tanchuma (Teruma 8, Pekudei 6), Yerushalmi (Shkalim 1:1) and
Midrash Hagadol to Shmot 25:17. The Ramban's opinion is found
in Seder Eliyahu Rabba 17, which states explicitly that Hashem
ordered the construction of the mishkan after Bnei Yisrael
declared 'na'aseh ve-nishma'. Ibn Ezra (25:1) adopts the
Ramban's approach, as do the Abarbanel (31:18) and the Netziv
(29:20). Despite his general affinity for the Ramban's
commentary, on this issue Rabbenu Bechayei adopts Rashi's
approach (25:6)
C. Mikdash Before Chet Ha-egel: Midrashic Sources
Several Midrashic passages support our contention that a
mikdash would have been necessary even had it not been for the
golden calf. Bemidbar Rabba 12:12 compares the world before
the mishkan to a chair with two legs, which cannot stand; the
construction of the mishkan added the third leg, so-to-speak,
which enabled the world to stand independently. However one
understands the image of the chair, it clearly points to the
indispensability of the mishkan - regardless of chet ha-egel.
Similarly, Bemidbar Rabba 13:6 describes that from the time of
creation, Hashem wished ('kivyachol') to reside on earth.
When the mishkan was consecrated, Hashem announced that on
that day the world was created. Once again, we see that the
construction of the mishkan marked a critical stage in the
history of the world and was necessary since the dawn of
creation. In the same vein, Bemidbar Rabba 13 writes that
when Bnei Yisrael left Egypt, Hashem wished to "bring them
into His quarters", and thus instructed them to build the
mishkan. This Midrash makes no mention of the incident of the
golden calf as necessitating a mikdash. A similar passage
appears in the Tanchuma Yashan - Bechukotai 65.
We suggested in the shiur that according to Rashi, the
Torah presents Parshat Teruma immediately following Matan
Torah - despite its having occurred later, after the egel - to
emphasize the thematic relationship between the mishkan and
Matan Torah. Rabbenu Bechayei (25:6), however, explains that
the Torah rearranged the sequence in order to demonstrate how
Hashem is "makdim trufa le-maka" (recall that, as cited
earlier, Rav Kasher reads this explanation into the Midrash
Lekach Tov). Rav Zalman Sorotzkin (Oznayim La-Torah) mentions
this explanation without quoting Rabbenu Bechayei. A
different answer was suggested by the late Lubavitcher Rebbe
("Be'urim Le-perush Rashi al Ha-Torah" - Shmot 31:18). The
Torah specifically wanted to juxtapose the tzivuy ha-mishkan
with the end of Parshat Mishpatim - the formal establishment
of the 'brit' between Bnei Yisrael and Hashem. As the
residence of the Shchina in the mishkan marked the complete
fulfillment of that brit, it is only fitting that the parsha
of the mishkan immediately follows that of the covenant.
(This explanation, too, seems to point to the fact that the
mishkan is lechatchila even according to Rashi.)
D. SEFORNO
The Seforno takes a particularly extreme approach to the
concept of the mishkan. Already in his comments to 19:6, he
notes that as a result of the egel, Bnei Yisrael forfeited
"all the goodness of the future" promised to them before Matan
Torah. As we will see in his comments elsewhere, this refers
to God's direct revelation, which was supplanted by the
mishkan. In his commentary to the final psukim of Parshat
Yitro (20:20-22), the Seforno interprets these psukim as
informing Bnei Yisrael that they have no need to construct a
sanctuary to God. Matan Torah demonstrated that Hashem would
descend, as it were, and reside among them even without any
physical mediums. Commenting on 25:9, Seforno writes that
after the incident of the golden calf Bnei Yisrael were
required to construct a sanctuary; the direct communication
experienced at Har Sinai could no longer be maintained.
Seforno expresses his position even clearer in 31:18, where he
describes more fully Bnei Yisrael's spiritual descent as a
result of the golden calf, as a result of which they did not
achieve the divine plan initially intended at Matan Torah. In
this passage, he alludes to an interesting interpretation of
the promise in 19:6 that Bnei Yisrael would be a 'mamlechet
kohanim' (a kingdom of priests): that they would have no need
for kohanim to serve as intermediaries. God had originally
intended for all of Bnei Yisrael to serve God directly as
kohanim. (Curiously, however, this is not how the Seforno
explains the term in his commentary to 19:6 - "ve-tzarich
iyun".) He develops this idea even further in Vayikra 11:2.
There he explains that in response to the golden calf, Hashem
decreed that He would remove His Shchina entirely from Bnei
Yisrael. Moshe's intervention succeeded in restoring a very
limited measure of 'hashra'at ha-Shchina', by which God would
reside among Bnei Yisrael only through the structure of the
mishkan. (In this passage, Seforno spells out more clearly
what he meant by "the goodness of the future" of which he
spoke in his comments to Shmot 19:6 - the direct presence of
the Shchina, without the need for a physical representation.)
Later in Sefer Vayikra, in his commentary to the brachot of
Parshat Bechukotai (26:11-12), Seforno describes the ideal
condition of God's constant presence among Benei Yisrael
without it being confined to any specific location and without
requiring any specific actions on Benei Yisrael's part. In
direct contradistinction to the Ramban, Seforno there reads
the pasuk in Truma, "Ve-asu li mikdash ve-shachanti betocham",
as a punishment, confining the presence of the Shchina to the
mishkan. Seforno's most elaborate development of this notion
appears in his treatise "Ma'amar Kavanot ha-Torah" (published
as a separate volume by Rav Yehuda Kuperman in 5754; the
relevant material for our topic is found primarily in chapter
6 in Rav Kuperman's edition).
This position of the Seforno, of course, requires some
explanation in light of the proofs mentioned in the shiur to
the necessity of a mikdash even prior to the egel. In fact,
the Seforno himself identifies Yaakov's Bet Elokim (Breishit
28:17) and the mikdash in the Shirat Ha-yam (Shmot 15:17) as
the beit ha-mikdash. How could the concept of a mikdash be
discussed before chet ha-egel - if it was never to have been
necessary?
The Seforno does not address this question, but in at
least two instances he alludes to what may be understood as a
moderation of his approach. Commenting on the pasuk "be-chol
ha-makom asher askir et Shmi avo eilecha" ("every place where
I will have My Name mentioned I will come to you" - Shmot
20:21), the Seforno explains, "[Every place] that I will
designate as a meeting place for My service". He then adds,
"You will not need to draw My providence to you through
mediums of silver and gold and the like, for I will come to
you and bless you". Apparently, even according to this
original plan, there would still be a place designated as a
mikdash of sorts, only Bnei Yisrael would not need to invest
effort in its lavish and intricate construction. In Ma'amar
Kavanot ha-Torah, Seforno makes a somewhat similar comment in
explaining this same pasuk: "In any place that will truly be
called a Bet Elokim, such as batei midrash and the like - I
will come to you and bless you." Here, too, he implies that
there would be a special location - or perhaps several or many
special locations - for avodat Hashem, only not what we know
as the mishkan or mikdash. However, in his commentary to
Parshat Bechukotai (Vayikra 26:12), the Seforno strongly
implies that in the ideal condition Hashem reveals Himself
anywhere, without any need for an especially designated
location - 've-tzarich iyun'.
E. RAMBAM - Review Devarim chapter 12. Note the repeated use
of the phrase "ha-makom asher yivchar Hashem" and its context.
Pay special attention to 12:5-12, noting when is the proper
time to build the mikdash. Relate this phrase to the concept
of a permanent mikdash, as discussed in the above shiur.
Considering that Sefer Devarim contains the mitzvot that God
originally gave Moshe at Har Sinai (before chet ha-egel),
explain why Sefer Devarim makes no mention of the mishkan, yet
mentions "ha-makom asher yivchar Hashem" numerous times.
Although the Rambam did not write a commentary on
Chumash, we can infer his understanding of certain psukim
based on his psak halacha in Mishneh Torah.
The opening Rambam in Hilchot Beit Ha-bechira (Sefer
Avoda) defines the source of the commandment to build a
mikdash (see 1:1). Read that Rambam (and, if you have time,
the first five halachot). What is difficult about the
Rambam's wording in 1:1? What is the source of our obligation
to build a mikdash? Why, according to the Rambam, is the
phrase "ve-asu li mikdash" (25:8) insufficient as a source for
this obligation?
Why does the Rambam include the criteria, 'ready to offer
upon it korbanot' and 'to celebrate there three times a year'?
Can you relate these phrases to Shmot 23:14-19 and this week's
shiur? Why does the Rambam quote the pasuk from Devarim 12:9-
11? Read those psukim carefully!
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