[Par-reg] For Parshat Bo - part two

Menachem Leibtag tsc at bezeqint.net
Wed Jan 25 12:54:18 EST 2012


*********************************************
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     THE TANACH STUDY CENTER
[http://www.tanach.org]

          In Memory of Rabbi Abraham Leibtag

     Shiurim in Chumash & Navi by Menachem
Leibtag

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            PARSHAT BO  - Part Two

 

- KORBAN PESACH AND BRIT MILA -

     In our shiur on Parshat Bo discussing
Parshat ha-Chodesh

/ Shmot 12:1-20, we discussed why the Torah
'prematurely'

presented the laws of 'chag ha-matzot'.  In
the following

shiur, we discuss why the Torah 'belatedly'
[i.e. after Bnei

Yisrael leave Egypt] presents the laws of
'chukot ha-Pesach'.

 

INTRODUCTION

     To clarify the problem that our shiur
deals with, we

begin with a quick overview of the Torah's
presentation of the

story of Yetziat Mitzraim by charting the
progression of

'parshiot' (and their respective topics) in
chapters 12 and

13.  As you review these two chapters, note
how the topics of

these 'parshiot' alternate between "mtizvot"
[LAWS] and

"sipur" [STORY, i.e. narrative]

 

PSUKIM         TOPIC

12:1-20     Hashem commands Moshe to tell
Yisrael the LAWS of:

       a. Korban Pesach in Egypt (12:3-13)

       b. Korban Pesach for future
generations (12:14)

       c. The laws of eating matza for seven
days (12:15-20)

 

12:21-28  Moshe relays these laws to Bnei
Yisrael,

    but only the LAWS of:

        a. Korban Pesach in Egypt (12:21-23)

        b. Korban Pesach for future
generations (12:24-28)

 

12:29-36  The STORY of the Tenth Plague and
the Exodus

        [How the Egyptians rushed Bnei
Yisrael out of Egypt.]

 

12:37-42  The STORY of traveling from Egypt,
baking matza,

          and concluding remarks  regarding
the '430 years'...

 

12:43-50  Some more LAWS re: offering Korban
Pesach

        [This section is titled -"zot chukat
ha-Pesach".]

 

12:51     A short summary pasuk

 

13:1-10   Moshe tells Bnei Yisrael more the
LAWS

        13:1-2 -God commands Moshe

           re: 'kedushat bechor'. [laws of
the first born]

        13:3-10  Moshe tells Bnei Yisrael the
laws of:

         eating matza for seven days ["chag
ha'matzot"]

         not eating (or owning) chametz for 7
days

       

13:11-16  Moshe tells Yisrael the LAWS of the
'first born'.

 

     As you study the above chart, note how
the LAW sections

relate directly to the STORY sections.  For
example, the laws

for how to offer the korban Pesach precede
the story of the

Tenth the Plague, for the purpose of that
offering was to

protect Bnei Yisrael from that Plague (see
12:12-13 & 12:21-

23).

     However, at the conclusion of the story
of the Exodus (in

12:42), we find yet an additional 'parshia'
concerning

additional laws that relate to offering the
Korban Pesach -

which obviously appears to be 'out of place'!

  "And God said to Moshe and Aharon: These
are the laws of the

  Pesach - anyone not circumcised may not eat
from it..."

    "Then Bnei Yisrael did just as God had
commanded Moshe

  and Aharon, so they did" (see 12:43-50).

 

     To our amazement, this entire 'parshia'
appears to be

recorded in Chumash a bit too late!  Let's
explain why:

  The laws in 12:43-49 command Bnei Yisrael
to perform 'brit

mila' BEFORE offering the Korban Pesach.
Therefore, it must

have been taught BEFORE Bnei Yisrael left
Egypt.  Furthermore,

this 'parshia' includes several other laws
that would apply to

offering the korban Pesach in Egypt (even
though these laws

apply to korban Pesach in future generations
as well).

  Finally, the last pasuk of this unit
informs us that Bnei

Yisrael did exactly as Moshe commanded them
(see 12:50).

  [Note now Rashi on 12:43 immediately
concludes that this

  'parshia' is 'out of place'; and even
Ramban agrees!]

  

     Why then does the Torah record these
laws only AFTER the

story of the Exodus?  Shouldn't this
'parshia' have been

included together with all the other laws of
Korban Pesach

(i.e. somewhere along with 12:2-14 and
12:21-28)?

     Considering our discussion in our first
shiur that 12:15-

20 may also be 'out of place' ( i.e. It
really 'belongs' with

13:2-8),  we find a very peculiar phenomenon
in chapter 12:

The laws of chag ha-matzot (12:15-20), which
technically

should have recorded AFTER the story of
Yetziat Mitzrayim, are

recorded beforehand - while the laws of
'chukat ha-Pesach'

which should have been recorded earlier, are
recorded AFTER

the story of the Exodus.

  In other words, to put this chapter back
into its correct

'chronological order,' we would simply have
to swap these two

parshiot.

     Nevertheless, the Torah prefers to
record them 'out of

order', and the obvious question is WHY.

 

THEMATIC ORDER

     These questions relate to a wider topic
of Chumash study

known as "ein mukdam u-me'uchar" - that the
parshiot in

Chumash do not necessarily follow
chronological order.

However, this does not mean that Chumash
follows a completely

random sequence.  Rather, even though the
Torah usually does

follow chronological order, it occasionally
prefers to place a

certain 'parshia' in a different place IN
ORDER to emphasize a

THEMATIC connection.

   [One could say that this is the Torah's
way of saying:

  'darsheini'!]

 

     If this assumption is correct, then we
can conclude that

the Torah presented these parshiot in this
manner in order

that we should search for a thematic
connection between:

     a) Korban Pesach and chag ha-matzot; and

     b) the concluding story of Exodus and
chukat ha-Pesach.

 

     In Part I we discussed (a); now we must
discuss (b).

 

     Let's begin by taking a closer look at
the previous

'parshia' that concludes the story of Yetziat
Mitzrayim:

  "...And the settlement of Bnei Yisrael in
Egypt was thirty

  years and FOUR HUNDRED years.  And it came
to pass after

  thirty years and FOUR HUNDRED years, on
this day, all of

  God's hosts LEFT from the land of Egypt..."
(see 12:40-42).

 

     Clearly, these psukim focus on the
completion of FOUR

HUNDRED years; but the Torah is not precise
in regard to what

these four hundred years are counting from.

 

BRIT BEIN HA-BTARIM & CHUKAT HA-PESACH

     The commentators all agree that the
'four hundred years'

mentioned in these psukim must relate in one
form or other to

God's promise to Avraham Avinu concerning the
'bondage of his

offspring in a foreign land,' as promised in
'brit bein ha-

btarim'.  [See Breishit 15:13-14, see also
Rashi, Ramban,

Rashbam, and Ibn Ezra on 12:40.]

     In other words, this final 'parshia'
(12:37-42) points to

the fact that this Exodus from Egypt marks
God's fulfillment

of His promise to Avraham Avinu at 'brit bein
ha-btarim'.

 

     With this in mind, let's take a look at
the 'parshia'

that follows:

  "And God said to Moshe and Aharon: These
are the laws of the

  Pesach - a son of a non-Jew may not eat
from it... and if he

  owns a servant, then he must CIRCUMCISE
him, and then he may

  eat it... and if a stranger lives with you
and wants to

  offer a korban Pesach, first he must be
CIRCUMCISED... and

  anyone NOT CIRCUMCISED may not eat from
it." (see 12:43-48).

 

     Note how the primary focus of these
mitzvot in 'chukat ha-

Pesach' is the requirement to perform BRIT
MILA before

offering the Korban Pesach (note
12:43,44,48).

     But as we noted above, the final psukim
of the preceding

story relate back to the theme of BRIT BEIN
HA-BTARIM!

     Therefore, this juxtaposition may point
once again to

thematic connection between these two central
covenants of

Sefer Breishit.  [See last week's shiur on
Parshat Va'era.]

 

     In this manner, Chumash may be alluding
to an important

thematic message: If we consider Korban
Pesach as the manner

by which we thank God for His fulfillment of
Brit bein Ha-

btarim, then before doing so, we must first
remind ourselves

of our commitment to His covenant of 'brit
MILA'.

  [Recall how Brit Mila reflects the special
relationship [or

  partnership] between God and Bnei Yisrael
(to accept Him as

  our God - "lihiyot lachem l-Elokim" / see
Breishit 17:7-8).

  ]

  

  Hence, this intentional juxtaposition may
emphasize how one

must first confirm his commitment at a
personal and family

level - as reflected in Brit Mila, before he
can proclaim his

affiliation at the national level, as
reflected in the

offering of the korban Pesach - to thank God
for His

fulfillment of brit bein ha-btarim.

  

     This critical balance between one's
commitment to God at

both the personal and national level will
emerge as a primary

theme in Chumash, especially in our study of
Sefer Shmot and

Sefer Devarim.

     Iy"h, we will return to this topic in
the shiurim that

follow; Till then,

 

                            shabbat shalom,

                            menachem

 

===============

FOR FURTHER IYUN:

 

A. The Position of the parshia of 'Zot Chukat
Ha-Pesach'

     Three answers as to why this section is
transplanted from

its chronological location appear in the
following

commentators:

 

1) Ibn Ezra, Seforno and Chizkuni claim that
the laws of

"chukat ha'pesach" apply only to future
generations, and hence

this entire section is not out of
chronological sequence.

  The Mechilta (on 12:43) quotes a debate
between Rabbi Yoshia

and Rabbi Yonatan as to whether these psukim
refer only to

Pesach Mitzrayim or to Pesach dorot, as well.
The Ibn Ezra

disputes both views, and claims that this
section deals

strictly with Pesach dorot.

      In regard to the concluding pasuk of
this section -"All

of Bnei Yisrael did just as Hashem commanded
Moshe and Aharon.

" - which we quoted as the strongest proof
that these psukim

belong earlier (see 12:50) - Ibn Ezra
explains that these

halachot bore relevance only for subsequent
years, i.e. when

they observed Pesach in the wilderness.

  Chizkuni explains differently, that this
pasuk tells of Bnei

Yisrael's acceptance of these laws for
observance in future

years (even though did not apply at that
time).

 

2)  Ramban cites Ibn Ezra's approach and
strongly rejects it.

Despite his general aversion towards applying
the principle of

"ein mukdam u-me'uchar", the Ramban here
nevertheless accepts

Rashi's view, the one we adopt in the shiur,
that this section

was transmitted earlier, before Yetziat
Mitzrayim.

     The Ramban explains that the Torah
wished to first record

the story of Yetziat Mitzrayim immediately
after Moshe conveys

to Bnei Yisrael God's promise of redemption -
as they express

their faith by prostrating themselves (see
12:23-27).  This

juxtaposition underscores Hashem's
fulfillment of His promise.

After the story of yetziat Mitzrayim, the
Torah then returns

to complete the transmission of the laws
relevant to the

korban pesach.  Rav Eliyahu Mizrachi, in his
work on Rashi's

commentary, explains along similar lines.

 

3) A much different explanation is given by
the Abarbanel and,

later, by Rav Shimshon Refael Hirsch.  They
claim that this

section, which deals primarily with the
procedure required

before a foreigner or a convert may partake
of the korban

Pesach, is directed towards the 'erev rav',
about whom the

Torah speaks just several verses earlier.
(In their

respective commentaries, both the Abarbanel
and Rav Hirsch go

through all the halachot mentioned in this
section and explain

how they all address the unique circumstance
of the erev rav.)

 

B. The Four Hundred and Thirty Years of
Bondage

     As we noted, the Torah says in 12:40
that Bnei Yisrael

spent 430 years in Egypt.  Rashi there notes
that based on the

genealogical record of Yaakov's family when
he relocated in

Egypt (in Parshat Vayigash - Breishit
46:8-27) as well as that

in Parshat Va'era (Shmot 6:14-25), this is a
mathematical

impossibility.  (In short, Kehat, Moshe's
grandfather, is

included among those who moved with Yaakov to
Egypt; four

hundred years could not have passed from
Kehat's move to Egypt

until his grandson, Moshe, led the slaves to
freedom at the

age of eighty.)  Further confounding the
issue is the fact

that Hashem had informed Avraham of a
400-year period of

bondage, not 430 years.

     For this reason, most sources among
Chazal and the

mefarshim claim - as mentioned in the shiur -
that the period

in question began with the birth of Yitzchak.
Hashem had

promised that Avraham's offspring would be
"foreigners in a

land not their own" (Breishit 15:13).  This
period began when

his heir, Yitzchak, was born in a country
where he was deemed

a foreigner.  Why Yitzchak - and, after him,
Yaakov and his

children - held foreigner status in Canaan is
not entirely

clear.  Ibn Ezra (commenting on our pasuk)
cites a theory that

during this period Canaan was subject to
Egyptian rule.

Although the Ibn Ezra claims that there is no
source to

substantiate such a theory, Rav Menachem
Kasher (Torah Shleima

on our pasuk, footnote 601) indeed brings
several sources to

this effect.  The Maharal, by contrast, in
his commentary,

"Gur Aryeh" on our pasuk, posits a different
explanation for

this foreigner status.  As Hashem had decreed
that Avraham's

offspring would come under subjugation in a
foreign land,

their residence in Canaan before their
descent to Egypt was

not permanent.  As such, they could not be
considered anything

more than foreigners.  Rashi, in his
commentary to Breishit

15:13, cites psukim that imply that Yitzchak
and Yaakov's

residence in Canaan was indeed that of
foreigners.

  In any event, the sixty years of Yitzchak's
life before

Yaakov's birth (Breishit 25:26) and Yaakov's
one hundred and

thirty years before moving to Egypt (Breishit
47:8) combine to

comprise 190 of the 400 years of exile.  This
leaves 210

years, the commonly accepted duration of the
Egyptian exile

(see Breishit Rabba 91:2).

     This theory, that the period of 'exile'
began with the

birth of Yitzchak, dates back as early as the
Septuagint,

which adds onto our pasuk the words,
'u-bish'ar aratzot',

meaning, that the 430 years mark the period
in which Bnei

Yisrael were foreigners in Egypt as well as
in other lands.

 

     As for the discrepancy between the 400
and 430 years, we

find four approaches in the Midrashim and
mefarshim:

 

1) The Mechilta on our pasuk, as well as
Rashi here and in

Breishit 15:13, maintain that the 400-year
period began with

the birth of Yitzchak, and the 430-year
period began at brit

bein ha-btarim, which took place thirty years
prior to

Yitzchak's birth.  This raises a vexing
problem: Avraham was

100 years old when Yitzchak was born
(Breishit 21:5), which

would mean that he was only 70 at the time of
brit bein ha-

btarim.  Yet, he was already 75 years-old
when he first

migrated to Canaan (Breishit 12:4).  How,
then, could Avraham

have been only 70 at brit bein ha-btarim,
which occurs three

chapters after his resettlement in Canaan?

     The Seder Olam Rabba therefore explains
that Avraham

originally moved to Canaan at age 70.  After
the brit bein ha-

btarim, he returned to Charan for five years,
after which he

once again settled in Canaan.  The
presentation in Parshat

Lech-Lecha thus does not follow chronological
sequence.

 

2) The Ramban (in his commentary to our
pasuk) argues that the

430 years began with brit bein ha-btarim; the
400 years which

Hashem mentioned to Avraham marked the
minimum duration of the

exile, not the definite period.  As a result
of Bnei Yisrael's

sins in Egypt, Hashem added thirty years to
the decree,

resulting in a total of 430 years.  According
to the Ramban,

Bnei Yisrael were in Egypt for 240 years, not
210 as is

commonly understood.

 

3) The Ibn Ezra and Rabbenu Yosef Bechor Shor
suggest that the

430 years begin with Avraham's migration with
his father from

Ur Kasdim.  Towards the end of Parshat Noach
(11:31), the

Torah tells that Terach took his family from
Ur Kasdim to live

in Canaan, but for some reason he never made
it past Charan.

These mefarshim suggest that this event,
which, they claim,

occurred thirty years prior to brit bein
ha-btarim, marked the

beginning of Avraham's period of 'exile', as
this was the

point at which he uprooted himself from his
homeland.  (The

Netziv adopts this approach, as well, and
elaborates further

on the significance of Avraham's move from Ur
Kasdim.)

 

4) The Abarbanel cites a view that the pasuk
in brit bein ha-

btarim that speaks of 400 years was
imprecise; it rounded off

the number 430 to an even 400.  This view
would then yield the

same result that emerges from the Ramban's
approach: Bnei

Yisrael spent 240 years in Egypt.  (The
Abarbanel himself,

however, accepts the Ramban's position.)

 

     All these mefarshim agree that the 400
years of bondage

foreseen at brit bein ha-btarim begin at that
point, when

Hashem informs Avraham of the exile.  They
argue only as to

the nature of the thirty years.  We do find
two other views,

which deny this assumption upon which all the
aforementioned

explanations are predicated:

 

Pirkei De-Rabbi Eliezer (48) cites the view
of Rabbi Elazar

Ben Arach that the 430-year period begins
with the birth of

Efrayim and Menashe, the last two tribes of
Yisrael to be

born.  Their birth occurred five years before
Yaakov and his

family moved to Egypt, such that 215 years
passed from their

birth to the Exodus.  Since the slavery
required Bnei

Yisrael's service both by day and night, they
served as slaves

for the functional equivalent of 430 years.
(Haktav Ve-

hakabbala explains this based on another
Midrash, that the

Egyptian taskmasters forced the slaves to
sleep in the fields

rather than going home to their families;
they thus 'worked'

both by day and by night.)  More familiar is
the Midrash cited

by the Vilna Gaon, in Kol Eliyahu on Parshat
Shmot, that

states more simply that the torture and
hardship of the 210-

year slavery term rendered it equivalent to a
standard, 400-

year term.  According to this approach, that
Bnei Yisrael's

slavery equaled - but did not last for - 400
years, our pasuk

does not at all relate to brit bein
ha-btarim.

  Perhaps the most startling view is that of
the Shadal, who

claims, in opposition to all other
commentators (including the

Septuaginta, as quoted above), that Bnei
Yisrael indeed spent

four hundred and thirty years in Egypt.
Earlier, we

parenthetically noted the proof against this
possibility, that

the Torah identifies Kehat as Moshe's
grandfather (Shmot 6:18,

20), and he was among the seventy members of
Yaakov's family

who descended to Egypt (Breishit 46:11).  The
life-spans of

Kehat and his son Amram, plus Moshe's eighty
years before

freeing Bnei Yisrael, do not add up to
anywhere near 430

years.  The Shadal refutes this proof by
claiming that the

Torah omits several generations in its
genealogical record in

Parshat Va'era.  In fact, he brings a very
strong proof to his

claim: in Parashat Vaera, the Torah lists
only eight members

of the tribe of Levi in Amram's generation
(Amram, Yitzhar,

Chevron, Uziel, Machli, Mushi, Livni and
Shimi - Shmot 6:17-

19).  Yet, when Moshe - Amram's son - took
Bnei Yisrael out of

Egypt, the tribe of Levi numbered 22,000
(Bemidbar 3:39).

Clearly, Levi's population could not have
grown from 8 to

22,000 in a single generation.  Undoubtedly,
the Shadal

argues, there were several interim
generations that the Torah

- for whatever reason - neglects to mention.

 

     Rav Yaakov Medan (of Yeshivat Har Etzion
- Daf Kesher

vol. 3, p.220) refutes this seemingly
convincing proof of the

Shadal.  He suggests quite simply that the
Torah omitted not

interim generations, as the Shadal claims,
but rather the

brothers of those eight levites, or even the
brothers of their

parents.  Rav Medan notes that when Yaakov
bestows the bechora

upon Yosef, whereby his sons, Efrayim and
Menashe, become

independent tribes, he adds that any future
children born to

Yosef will be included in those two tribes
(Breishit 48:6).

In other words, 'less significant' brothers
often became

formally included as part of their brothers'
families.  It

stands to reason, then, that in each
generation in the

genealogical listing the Torah records only
several brothers.

In fact, Rav Medan adds, the genealogical
records in Va'era,

Bemidbar and Pinchas do not mention any
grandsons of Yaakov

besides those listed as part of the family
that descended to

Egypt.  As Yaakov's sons were still
relatively young when they

relocated in Egypt, we have no reason to
believe that they did

not continue bearing children in Egypt.
Clearly, then, there

were siblings omitted in the Torah's
genealogical record, thus

refuting the Shadal's proof.

 

 

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