[Par-reg] Vayakhel Pekudei - questions for self study

Menachem Leibtag tsc at bezeqint.net
Wed Mar 6 04:22:39 EST 2013


*********************************************
****************

     THE TANACH STUDY CENTER
[http://www.tanach.org]

          In Memory of Rabbi Abraham Leibtag

     Shiurim in Chumash & Navi by Menachem
Leibtag

*********************************************
****************

 

                 PARSHAT VAYAKHEL

 

PART I - QUESTIONS FOR THE 'SHABBOS TABLE'

 

A 'TZEDUKI' MEETS THE 'IBN EZRA' !

1. In his commentary to 35:3, in regard to
whether it is

permissible to leave a candle lit on Shabbat,
Ibn Ezra

["katzar"] tells of his conversation with a
certain Kaarite

["tzeduki"], who tries to determine the
halacha based on the

psukim of Chumash - without relying on the
tradition of

Chazal.

     If you have some time (and understand
Hebrew), read this

Ibn Ezra, as he not only tells over a great
story, but also

gives us insight into his great appreciation
of Chazal,

despite his insistence to understand the
literal meaning of

every pasuk.  Note especially Ibn Ezra's
conclusion at the end

of his commentary to 35:3, in regard to the
balance between

Biblical commentary and "psak halacha"!

 

BETWEEN SHABBAT & THE MISHKAN

1.  As you most probably are aware, the
halachic definition of

melacha [work] that is forbidden on Shabbat
[better known as

the 'lamed-tet melachot'] is derived from the
various

categories of 'work' that were required to
construct the

mishkan.

         [See Mishnayot Masechet Shabbat
chapter 7.]

  The opening three psukim of parshat
Vayakhel are one of the

primary sources for this definition.

     As you review these psukim (i.e. Shmot
35:1-4) in their

context, attempt to explain why.  Would you
consider this

halachic interpretation as 'pshat' or
'drash'?

 

2.  Next, carefully compare the topic and
structure of the

psukim in Shmot 35:1-4 to the content and
structure of Vayikra

23:1-4.

     What textual pattern is similar?

     In your opinion, does the phrase 'eileh
ha-devarim' in

35:1 relate to the laws of Shabbat that
follow in 35:2-3, or

to the laws of the mishkan that follow in
35:4-20?  In your

answer, be sure to relate to the phrase
"la'asot otam" at the

end of 35:1.

  If you have ample time, see the following
commentators:

     See Ramban on 35:1.  Note how Ramban
relates to 34:32.

          [See also Chizkuni.]

    See Seforno, noting how he relates to
34:32.

     See Ibn Ezra ('katzar') / and the gemara
he quotes -

Shabbat 70a.  Why does Ibn Ezra argue with
this

interpretation?

 

     Why do most all of the commentators
explain 'eileh ha-

devarim' as relating to the mishkan and not
shabbat?

     Is this pshat?  If so, why is 'shabbat'
the first mitzva

that Moshe tells the people, before he tells
over the laws of

the Mishkan?  [See Ramban on 35:1.]

     Relate this to your answer to question
#1 above.

 

3. If indeed the phrase "eileh ha'devarim" in
35:1 refers to

the laws of the Mishkan that begin in 35:4
and onward, then

note how 35:10 introduces the list of items
that Bnei Yisrael

must construct from the materials that they
donate (in 35:5-

9).  Then, count how many different items
that are in this

list that continues from 35:11 thru 35:20.
Does that number

come close to number of categories of work
that are forbidden

on shabbat?

     Are you aware of what led Chazal to
conclude that there

are specifically 39 categories of work that
are forbidden on

shabbat, and not more or less!  [Relate to
the list in 35:11-

20 as well as to the parallel list in
39:33-42.]

 

4.  Next, review the laws of shabbat as
presented in 31:12-17,

noting how these psukim form the final
'parshia' after a

sequence of seven chapters of laws concerning
the mishkan

(i.e. the mishkan unit of chapters 25->31).
Explain how this

juxtaposition supports Chazal's definition of
"melacha" on

shabbat.  [Note especially the word "ach" in
32:13!]

 

5.  Note the word 'brit' and its context in
31:16; relating

this brit to the word 'ot' in 31:13.  Where
else in Chumash do

we find the concept of an ot brit?  [If you
give up, try

looking in Breishit chapters 9 and 17.]  Why
does a brit need

an ot?  [Or 're-phrased' - Why does a bride
need a wedding

ring?]

     In your opinion, why would the concept
of shabbat being

an "ot brit" immediately follow the laws of
the mishkan (whose

focal point is the 'luchot ha-brit')?  In
your answer, relate

to the mishkan's name - i.e. the "ohel
mo'ed", and what that

name implies.  [Note also Vayikra 23:1-3!].
Relate this to

Shmot 29:44-46 (and our shiur on parshat
Tetzaveh).

 

6.  In Parshat Emor, when the Torah forbids
work on the

"moadim" [Jewish holidays/ see Vayikra
chapter 23], it

consistently uses the phrase: "kol melechet
avoda lo taasu" -

in contrast to the phrase: "kol melacha" in
regard to shabbat.

  From what you recall, in what manner is the
halachik

definition of work for "yom-tov" different
from its definition

for shabbat?

  Based on these two phrases, can you explain
why?

  In your opinion, does the prohibition of
"melacha" on "yom

tov" relate to the Mishkan as well, or is it
forbidden for a

different reason?  If so, can you suggest a
reason why?

     In your answer, relate to the difference
between

'creativity' and 'physical labor'; & the
reason why we don't

work on Yom Tov, based on the phrase "mikra
kodesh" in Vayikra

chapter 23.

  [If you have ample time, see Ramban on
Vayikra 23:7 for a

  comprehensive discussion of this topic.]

 

BETWEEN CHET HA-EGEL and the MISHKAN

1.  When Moshe gathers the people (in 35:1)
in order to

command them concerning the laws of the
mishkan, why do you

think that Torah chooses specifically the
word 'vayakhel' to

describe this gathering?

     Relate to Shmot 32:1.

 

2.  Is the melacha of 'ha'avara' (35:3
/increasing a fire,

i.e. making a flame or furnace hotter) in any
way connected to

chet ha-egel?  If so, how?  [Relate to
32:4,24.]

     Is this melacha connected in any manner
to building the

mishkan or making any of its vessels?  [e.g.
How did they make

the aron & the menora etc.?]

 

3.  What other parallels can you find in
Vayakhel / Pekudei to

chet ha-egel?  Relate to the phrase "ohel
moed" in 33:7 (in

contrast to its use in 25:8), and see Rashi
on Shmot 29:1 in

regard to why Aharon must bring a  "chatat"
offering during

the seven day 'miluim' ceremony, and why he
offers

specifically a "par" [bull] .

 

4.  Even if we assume (like Ramban) that the
commandment to

build the mishkan was given before chet
ha-egel, when do Bnei

Yisrael first hear this mitzva?  When they do
hear this

mitzva, would you expect that these laws be
relayed in a

manner that relates in some way to the events
of chet ha-egel?

     If so, cite some examples.

 

 

PART II - QUESTIONS FOR PREPARATION (for
weekly shiur)

 

1.  Review parshat Vayakhel, noting the
primary topic of each

of its 'parshiot'.  As usual, make a vertical
listing of these

parshiot, using one word (or at most a
phrase) to summarize

each parshia.  After you complete your list,
attempt to

organize your list into an outline.

     Then, take your outline, and compare it
to the similar

outline that you prepared for Parshat Teruma.
Based on your

comparison, attempt to identify the governing
principle for

internal structure of each outline.

     What defines the order in Parshat
Vayakhel?

     What defines the order in Parshat
Teruma?

     In your opinion, which 'order' makes
more sense?  Attempt

to explain the reason for the differences,
based on the

setting (and/or purpose) of each Parsha.

 

2.  Is the description of how the vessels are
made in Parshat

Vayakhel exactly the same as their
description in God's

commandment to Moshe in Parshat Teruma?  If
not, what aspect

is different?

     Is there any mention in parshat Vayakhel
concerning the

function of the various vessels of the
mishkan?

     If so, where?

     If not, in your opinion, why not?

 

3.  Is there any mention of the Shchina in
Vayakhel / Pekudei?

     Is there any mention of the Shchina in
Teruma / Tetzaveh?

     If so, where, and why?

Can you explain the reason for the
differences.

 

     Are there any commandments in Teruma /
Tetzaveh that are

not repeated in Vayakhel / Pekudei?  If so,
which ones?

     Are those commandments that are
'missing' here repeated

somewhere else in Chumash?  If so, where?
[If you give up,

see Vayikra chapter 8, & compare with Shmot
chapter 29.]

Can you explain why?

  In your answer, relate to the difference
between 'building'

the mishkan, and 'using' it.

     Keep this question in mind when you
study Sefer Vayikra.

 

4.  Recall how the aron forms the focal point
of the mishkan,

and how the kaporet forms its 'protective
cover' (see Shmot

25:10-22 & TSC shiur on Yom Kippur).

     In your opinion, what is the purpose of
the keruvim on

the kaporet?  Similarly, what is the purpose
of the keruvim

embroidered on the parochet?  (See Shmot
26:31.)

     Is there a mention of keruvim earlier in
Chumash?  If so,

what was their function?  [If you give up,
take a look at the

end of chapter three in Sefer Breishit.]

     What is the thematic significance of
this parallel?

 

5.  Review Mishlei 3:1-18, noting especially
3:18 in its

context.  What does the 'etz chayim' refer
to?  Can you relate

this to the etz ha-chayim in Gan Eden and the
keruvim that

protect it?

     Relate your answer to the above question
as well.

 

6.  Attempt to find any thematic similarities
between the

story of Adam in Gan Eden, and the story of
the first & second

luchot (in relation to chet ha-egel).

     See if you can relate this to any of the
point discussed

above in regard to the purpose of the mishkan
and what it

symbolizes.

 

PART III - PARSHANUT

  [Even though the following questions begin
with Ki Tisa,

  you'll soon see their connection to
Vayakhel.]

 

WHEN WERE THE MITZVOT GIVEN TO MOSHE?

1.  Based on what you remember thus far in
Sefer Shmot, what

specific mitzvot did Moshe Rabeinu receive on
Har Sinai?

     When did Bnei Yisrael receive these
mitzvot?

          [Support your answer with a pasuk!]

     [In your answer, relate to mitzvot that
Moshe received

during both the first forty days and the last
forty days.]

 

2.  After you answer question #1, read Shmot
34:27-35, paying

special attention to pasuk 32.  [Did you
relate to this pasuk

in your answer to question #1!  If not,
re-answer question

#1.]

     In your opinion, which 'commandments'
does this pasuk

refer to?      [You can suggest different
possibilities.]

     Now, see the following commentators on
34:32,

      Rashbam / [Explain the 'unit' he is
referring to.]

      Ramban / [In what way does he differ
from Rashbam?]

      Ibn Ezra /[What 'tna'im' is he
referring to?

                In what way does he differ
from Ramban?]

      Seforno/ [Is this the same as Rashbam
or different?

                 Explain what is different
and why!]

      Chizkuni / Does Chizkuni answer this
question?

 

3.  Carefully review this Chizkuni (on 34:32)
once again,

noting how he explains how and when the
Torah, as we have it

today, was written.  See also the Gemara that
he quotes from

Gitin 60a concerning "torah megilla megilla
nitna".

     According to this Chizkuni, how can one
understand the

reason for Chazal's exegetic approach of 'ein
mukdam u-

me'uchar ba-Torah'?

 

FOR MEN & WOMEN?

4. Review 35:21-29, noting how these psukim
describe what the

people donated, in response to Moshe's
request (in 35:4-5).

    As you study these psukim, note how they
describe the

donations of both the women and the men
(respectively).

     Then, make special note of the opening
phrase in 35:22 -

"va'yavou ha'anashim al ha'nashim".  As you
attempt to

translate this phrase, what problems do you
encounter?  In

your opinion, what does this pasuk mean -
based on both its

words and context?  [You can suggest several
possibilities.]

     See Ibn Ezra (katzar), noting how he
offers three

different interpretations.  [In the Ibn Ezra
aroch, he only

brings one opinion.]

     Next see Ramban, noting how he explains
how the women

brought their donation 'ahead' of the men.
Can you explain

what leads Ramban to this conclusion?

     Then, see Chizkuni, who seems to imply
that the men took

away their wives' jewelry, for the sake of
the Mishkan; but

then offers a simpler interpretation.  Can
you explain what

leads Chizkuni to his first conclusion?

     Finally, see Seforno - who offers a very
original

interpretation for why the men had to
'accompany' their wives

when they donated their jewelry. Note how he
based this on

Baba Kamma 119a.  Can you explain what leads
Seforno to his

conclusion?

  

ANCIENT JEWLERY

5.  In 35:22, we also find a list of
different types of

jewelry - "chach, v'nezem, v'taabat,
b'chumaz...."

     Note the various translations for each
of these words in

Rashi, Ibn Ezra (aroch), and Chizkuni.
Attempt to explain the

reason for the various differences.

 

VANITY MIRRORS?

6.  Read 38:8, and attempt to translate this
pasuk.  Which

words are difficult, and basically - why is
important to know

where the copper of the kiyor came from?
{Where did the

copper for the mizbach ha-nechoshet come
from?  See 38:29-31!

     See Rashi, noting how answers the above
questions.

According to Rashi, explain the difference of
opinion between

Moshe and Hashem concerning the use of this
copper.

     Next, see Ibn Ezra (also on 38:8).  In
what manner is his

peirush totally different than Rashi's?
According to each,

why did the women donate their copper mirrors
specifically for

the kiyor?

     Then, see Ramban, noting what point
bothers him in

Rashi's peirush.  How does Ramban answer this
question, why

does he quote Unkelos, and why does he
maintain that Unkelos

seems to follow in the lines of Ibn Ezra's
peirush.

     Finally, see Seforno.  What textual
difficulty does his

peirush deal with.  How does his peirush
relate to Ibn Ezra's?

 

                              be-hatzlacha,

                              menachem

 

 

*********************************************
****************

     THE TANACH STUDY CENTER
[http://www.tanach.org]

          In Memory of Rabbi Abraham Leibtag

     Shiurim in Chumash & Navi by Menachem
Leibtag

*********************************************
****************

 

          for PARSHAT  PEKUDEI

 

PART I - QUESTIONS FOR THE 'SHABBOS TABLE'

 

FOR PEKUDEI & PARSHAT SHEKALIM

     As this year is a leap-year, it just so
happens that we

read Parshat Shekalim together with Parshat
Pekudei - which is

a 'perfect combination' for those of you who
enjoy the study

of Chumash.  Before we begin this special
battery of questions

- we should note the reason for Parshat
Shekalim.

  When the Temple stood, every Jew was
obligated to donate a

"machatzit ha'shekel" [a half of a shekel]
during the month of

Adar.  These coins would go into a special
fund,  that would

be used to buy the "korbanot tzibur" [the
public offerings]

for the upcoming year (that begins in Nisan).
[See first

mishna in Mesechet Shekalim, and/or Rambam
Zmanim/Shekalim

1:1.]

 

1. Even though we often take this law for
granted, its source

its Biblical source is not so easy to
identify.  To start you

study, carefully read Shmot 30:11-16 (i.e.
Parshat Shekalim),

and based on these psukim alone, what appears
to be the

purpose of this donation:  As you study,
answer the following

questions

  - Who is obligated to donate this
"machatzit ha'shekel"?

  - When (or how often) does this obligation
take place?

  - What is supposed to be done with the
money collected?

  

  In your opinion, do these psukim relate in
any manner to

this 'yearly' obligation to donate a
"machatzit ha-shekel"?

  If not, what is the source for the
obligation to give the

yearly machatzit ha-shekel?

  Based on these psukim alone, should there
be a limit to the

amount of silver that one could donate for
building the

Mishkan?

  

2.  Next, compare this command to God's
original instruction

to Moshe concerning raising money to build
the Mishkan as

described in Shmot 25:1-9!  Be sure to
compare this as well to

the actual implementation of 25:1-9, as
described in the

beginning of Parshat Vayakhel, noting
especially 35:4-5 and

35:21-24.

     Based on these psukim, does it appear
that there was

supposed to be a voluntary donation of
silver, similar to that

of gold and copper, or was the silver given
in a special

manner?

  In 35:4-5, Moshe Rabeinu explains to the
people the various

metals that he would like for them to donate.
Based on your

understanding of 35:5, should there be any
limit on the amount

of silver (or gold or copper) that any single
person could

donate?

  Respectively, what was the intended use for
the gold, silver

and copper (i.e. what vessels were to be made
from them)?

 

     In your opinion, how does Shmot 25:1-9
and 35:4-24 relate

to the commandment of Parshat Shekalim (i.e.
Shmot 30:11-16)?

     Whether or not it does relate, can you
explain why this

specific donation of silver (in 30:11-16)
needs its own

special 'parshia'?

 

3.  Next, read (and study) the opening psukim
of Parshat

Pekudei, paying special attention to the
details of 38:25-28

in regard to the silver, within the overall
context of the

general tally described in 38:21-31!

     How does this tally relate to what was
described in 38:21-

24?

     How does the tally of the silver relate
to the

commandment in Shmot 30:11-16?

  As you review Shmot 38:24-31, note how the
Torah's

description of the tally of the silver is
worded in a

different manner than its tally of the gold
and copper.  [Note

the words "tnufa" & "pkudei".]  Can you
explain why?

  Considering that one 'kikar' is the
equivalent of 3,000

shekel; how does 38:27-30 correspond to the
phrase "avodat

ohel moed" in 30:16?

  Based on what is described in Parshat
Pekudei, when and how

did Moshe relay to Bnei Yisrael that
commandment in 30:11-16

(which God had given to him at an earlier
time on Har Sinai)?

     Finally, see Chizkuni's commentary to
38:30, noting how

he explains what happened to the additional
metals that were

donated, but not included in this tally!

 

4.  Next, review the opening chapter of Sefer
Bamidbar, noting

the details of census that was taken on the
first day of the

second month.  Pay special attention to
Bamidbar 1:1-3 and the

total of that tally 1:44-47.

     Compare those details to Shmot 38:25-28
and Shmot 30:11-

16! Is it possible that this was all the same
census, or must

one conclude that two different censuses were
taken?  [If so,

what problem arises?  // See Rashi on Shmot
30:15 and 30:16!

If you have ample time, see also Raman's
rebuttal of Rashi's

view in middle of his lengthy commentary to
Shmot 30:12!]

 

5.  For an interesting reference to the
collection of the

"machatzit ha'shekel", read the story about
the special

collection made to renovate the Mikdash
during the reign of

Yoash, as described in Divrei Ha'yamim II
24:4-14, noting

especially the phrase "maasat Moshe" in 24:6
and 24:9.

     Note as well the special collection that
Bnei Yisrael

took upon themselves during the time of Ezra,
as described in

Nechemya 10:33; but to appreciate that pasuk,
you'll need to

study its context as you review chapters ten
and eleven in

Sefer Nechemya.

     As long as you have your Tanach open,
see also the tragic

story of what happened when David ha'melech
counted the

people, as described in Shmuel II chapter 24.
In your

opinion, how does that story relate to the
commandment in

Shmot 30:11-16?  Was David ha'melech wrong by
the very

counting of the people, or because he didn't
use the

"machatzit ha'shekel" method?  [See the
various opinions of

the commentators on that chapter!]

 

6. Review 30:11-16 once again, noting the
Torah's use of the

word "kapara" in relation this commandment.
In you opinion,

would the need to donate this "machatzit
ha'shekel" be related

in any manner to the sin of the Golden Calf?
In you answer,

relate to where this 'parshia' is recorded in
Chumash.

     Then, see Rashi on 30:16 and Chizkuni on
30:12

 

7.  Review Bamidbar 28:1-3, noting how this
commandment to

bring the daily "korban tamid" (and later the
"musafim") is

directed to the people of Israel.  In your
opinion, how can an

entire nation bring one offering (or set of
offerings)?  Which

funds would be used to offer this korban?

     Relate this to Chazal's understanding of
the law of

"machatzit ha'shekel" that is brought by the
entire nation.

Relate you answer as well to Shmot 29:38-46,
and to the

collective nature of Am Yisrael as they stand
before God in

the "ohel moed".

 

8.  After studying the above sources, you are
ready to study

the lengthy Ibn Ezra and Ramban on Shmot
30:11-16.  Enjoy!

     Based on the above sources, would it be
logical to

conclude that the primary source for the
"machatzit ha'shekel"

may be "halacha l'Moshe m'Sinai" in addition
to (or supported

by) various 'hints' to this obligation in
Shmot 30:11-16?

  [for Parshat Pekudei]

  

MAKING A POINT!

1.  Scan Parshat Pekudei (using a Tanach
Koren / or similar),

noting the last phrase of almost every single
'parshia'

(especially in chapter 40).   Can you discern
a pattern?  If

so, attempt to explain why this phrase is
repeated so many

times.

     Next, review the opening psukim of
Parshat Vayakhel (i.e.

35:1-4), looking for a similar phrase (or
context).  What are

the very first words that Bnei Yisrael (who
gather in 35:1)

hear from Moshe Rabeinu (see 35:1).  Can you
explain the

connection the phrase that is repeated so
often in Parshat

Pekudei?

     Attempt to relate your understanding of
the Torah's

emphasis on this phrase (in regard to
building the Mishkan) to

the events at "chet ha-egel".   Relate to the
nature of

Aharon's sin, i.e. his 'good' intentions,
despite the

disastrous results.

 

2. Note the opening six psukim of Vayikra
chapter 9 (in regard

to the ceremony on "yom ha'shmini"),
especially 9:5-6.  In

what context does Moshe explain to the people
- "zeh ha'davar

asher tzivah Hashem..."?   Note also, the
concluding words of

9:7, 10, & 21.

  Then, note what happens in 10:1-2.  Based
on these

observations, what seems to be the primary
reason for why

Nadav & Avihu are punished?  [Note as well
the "taamei

ha'mikra" on the phrase "asher LO tzivah
otam"!]

     See Rashi on 10:2 and Seforno on 10:1.

 

WHO'S COUNTING?

1.  Compare the amount of gold, silver, and
copper that was

collected to build the mishkan, with the
amounts that were

collected by David ha-melech to help Shlomo
build the first

Bet ha-Mikdash, as described in Divrei
Ha-yamim I 29:1-9!

     What can we infer from this in regard to
the difference

in size between the Mishkan and the Mikdash.

  [See as well Divrei Ha-yamim II 1:15 & 4:18
& 5:1, noting

  how Shlomo used these precious metals. Note
as well the

  parallel between Shmot 40:34-35 and
Melachim I 8:10-11.]

 

2.  In Megillat Esther, we are told about the
amount of money

that Haman gives to Achashverosh as a bribe
to issue the

decree against the Jews.  See Esther 3:9; and
compare that

amount of silver to the amount that the Jews
collected to

build the Mikdash, as recorded in Divrei
ha'yamim I 29:7.  Can

you suggest any possible thematic connection?
[See our TSC

shiur on Megillat Esther!]

 

THE MISSING "MILUIM"

1.  In case you didn't notice, just about all
of the

commandments re: the Mishkan that were
recorded in Parshiot

Teruma /Tetzaveh (i.e. chapters 25-30) are
repeated in

Parshiot in Vayakhel / Pekudei.

  As you verify this statement, you should
notice that one

major section is missing.  [If you didn't
find it, then note

that the details of chapter 29 (the 7 day
milu'im ceremony) is

not repeated.]

  Where do we find the story of its
execution?

  Again, in case you give up, you'll find
those 'missing

details' in Vayikra chapter 8!  [That should
be obvious.]

  

2. To prove that Vayikra chapter 8 'belongs'
in Parshat

Pekudei, note the command in Shmot 40:9-15,
whose execution

doesn't take place in 40:17-33 (as do the
commands of 40:1-8)

but are detailed instead in Vayikra chapter
8. Note as well

other textual similarities between Vayikra
chapter 8 and Shmot

chapter 40 (e.g. the phrase "kaasher tzivah
Hashem et Moshe",

etc.).

  Can you suggest a reason why the Torah may
have preferred to

record this seven-day dedication ceremony in
Sefer Vayikra

instead?  In your answer, relate to the
primary difference

between the type of laws regarding the
Mishkan that are found

in Shmot, and the type of laws that are found
in Vayikra.

  Relate your answer to the difference
between 'building' and

'using' the Mishkan.  Would you consider the
seven day miluim

as part of the 'building' process, or part of
the 'using'

process? [or a bit of both?]

  ========

 

PART II - QUESTIONS FOR PREPARATION (for
weekly shiur)

1.  Note the date of the events that take
place in Shmot

chapter 40.  Based on 40:1 and 40:17 (and
Shmot 12:1-2), why

do you think that specifically this day was
chosen?

  Next, carefully review Shmot 40:34-38.  In
what manner to

these psukim form the conclusion not only of
chapter 40, but

also of the entire unit that began in chapter
35?  How do

these 'finale' psukim relate as well to Shmot
25:8 and 29:44-

46?

  

2. What would you say is the primary topic
40:34-38?

  Despite their common topic, can you divide
these psukim into

two distinct topics?  If so, explain what
each topic is, where

they can be divided, and why.

  In what manner is this flow (or change) of
topic not

logical?

 

3.  Next, compare 40:34-38 to Shmot 24:12-18,
especially 15-

18.

     Did you find any textual parallels?  If
so, can you

explain their thematic significance?

     What does this parallel suggest in
regard to the

connection to the purpose of the Mishkan and
how it serves as

a perpetuation of Ma'amad Har Sinai?  [See
Ramban in his

introduction to the laws of the Mishkan at
the beginning of

Parshat Terumah (Shmot 25:1).]

 

4.  Compare these two sources once again,
noting not only what

is similar, but also what is different.
Based on this

parallel, does Sefer Shmot appear have a
'happy' or 'sad'

ending?

  [In other words, was it ideal that Moshe
was not able to

  enter the Ohel Moed, even though he was
able to enter the

  cloud at Har Sinai - or does appear that
something went

  wrong?]

     Would there be any reason why he should
have entered the

Ohel Moed?   [Relate to Shmot 25:21-22!]

     If the parallel between Shmot 24:16 and
40:35 would be

complete, what 'ideally' should have happened
at this point

immediately after 40:35?

 

5. Next, read Vayikra 1:1,  comparing it with
Shmot 24:16 &

25:22!]

How would this observation answer the above
question?

     See Rashbam, Ramban, Chizkuni, Ibn Ezra
to Vayikra 1:1;

noting how they all relate to this parallel.

     Based on this parallel, where (more
precisely) in chapter

40 should Vayikra 1:1 have been recorded?

 

6.  Next, return to 40:36-38, noting how this
set of psukim

begins a 'new' topic that relates more to how
Bnei Yisrael

would travel through the desert.

  Compare these psukim with Bamidbar 9:15-18.
Based on 9:15,

how doe these psukim relate to Shmot chapter
40?

     What is the textual and thematic
connection between the

concluding psukim of Sefer Shmot on Bamidbar
9:15-22?  [Rather

obvious?]      Can you explain why these
details are repeated

in Sefer Bamidbar?

 

7.  Based on these two observations regarding
Shmot 40:34-38,

what would you say is the relationship
between the conclusion

of Sefer Shmot and Sifrei Vayikra and
Bamidbar?

     How would this relate to the main topic
of each of these

books?

     Relate your answer to the two primary
reasons why God

took Bnei Yisrael out of Egypt, based on
Shmot 3:8 & 3:12.

Note as well Shmot 29:46.

 

8.  With these questions in mind, read once
again Ramban's

introduction to sefer Shmot, as well as his
introductions to

Vayikra and Bamidbar.  How does he define the
difference

between each of these three books?

     See also Seforno's introduction to
Chumash (found in

Torat Chaim sefer Breishit) and his
explanations of sefer

Vayikra and Bamidbar.

 

9.  In the last chapter of parshat Pekudei,
the Torah

describes the events that take place when the
mishkan is

assembled on the first of Nissan.  Note,
however, that certain

other events also take place on this very
same day, as

recorded in Vayikra 9:1-10:10, and in
Bamidbar 7:1-89 and 9:15-

23.

     Can you explain why these events, even
though they all

take place on the same day, are recorded in
three different

books?

     Quickly review those events as recorded
in each sefer and

attempt to explain how each specific event
relates to the

theme of the sefer in which it is recorded.

     Can you explain why the Torah doesn't
simply record all

these events together in one sefer?

     ========

 

 

PART III - PARSHANUT

 

ONE WHAT DAY WAS THE EIGHTH DAY?

1.  Recall from Shmot chapter 29 (and Vayikra
chapter 8) that

a seven day dedication ceremony takes place
before the mishkan

becomes fully 'functional' on the 'eighth'
day.

     In your opinion, do the events which are
described in

chapter 40, that take place on the first of
Nissan, correspond

to the first day of the seven day milu'im
ceremony or to the

'eighth' day?  Support your answer.

     Be sure to relate to Vayikra 9:1-6, and
Bamidbar 9:15.

     Does your answer to this question affect
how you

understand on what date Bamidbar chapter 7
begins?

     [In other words, on what days in the
month of Nissan did

the nesi'im offer their korbanot?]

 

2.  After you answer this question, see Ibn
Ezra on 40:2.

What are the two opinions that he offers, and
why does he

prefer the opinion that the seven day milu'im
ceremony began

on the first of Nissan?  Be sure that you can
follow his

logic.

     Then, see Rambam, noting how he too
relates to both

opinions, but prefers the opinion that the
yom ha-shmini

ceremony took place on the first of Nissan,
and the miluim

began seven days earlier.  Note as well how
he relates to Ibn

Ezra's peirush.

     Why 'should' Ramban prefer Ibn Ezra's
peirush? [Relate to

his approach to 'ein mukdam u-me'uchar'.]
Why then does he

prefer the other opinion?  Which source does
Ramban consider

primary?

     According to Ramban, when were the
mitzvot of Vayikra

chapter 1 - 7 given to Moshe Rabeinu, and
from where?

     How does Ramban solve the 'problem' of
ein mukdam u-

me'uchar between these events and the order
of events in sefer

Vayikra?  [See Ramban on Vayikra 7:38 and
25:1.]

 

VANITY MIRRORS

3.  Note that according to 38:29-31 this
copper that was

collected was only used for the mizbach
ha-nechoshet, but

apparently not for the "kiyor".  Based on
Shmot 30:18, does

this make sense?

     Then, see 38:8, noting the special
mention of how the

"kiyor" was made.  Relate this pasuk to the
above question.

     Then, see Rashi on 38:8, noting his
explanation for why

specifically this copper was used for the
"kiyor".  Then, see

Ibn Ezra on 38:8, noting how his explanation
is quite

different.

  According to each commentator, which
behavior was deserving

of praise?

  Finally, see Ramban on 38:8, noting how he
quotes both

commentaries.  Note also how Ramban relates
to the "ohel moed"

that is mentioned in 38:8.   What
'chronological' problem in

38:8 leads Ramban to search for a different
meaning for the

phrase "ohel moed" in this pasuk?  Relate as
well to Shmot

33:7!

 

THE MISHKAN, or JUST THE MISHKAN?

4.  Read 39:33.  In your opinion, what does
the word Mishkan

refer to, i.e. just the ten "yeriot" - or to
the entire

complex?  In your answer, relate to the
Hebrew grammar of

39:33, and to the "pshat" of Shmot 26:1 in
relation to 26:15.

  [Relate as well to the phrase "et
ha'mishkan" in 35:11.]

     Then, see Ramban on 39:33, noting how he
understands this

pasuk, and why he adds a "vav" to "et
ha'ohel"!

     See also Seforno on 39:33.

 

                              be-hatzlacha,

                              menachem

 

 

 

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